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Mohammad Said Kalash, "Offering Reconciliation" exhibit (photo: Ilan Amihai)

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Ancona ketubah

Archive for March, 2009

IDF T-Shirts Boast of Killing Babies, Pregnant Women, Sodomizing Hamas Leaders

Friday, March 20th, 2009

For the past few days Haaretz has carried numerous stories about the riveting eyewitness testimony from IDF officers concerning cold-blooded murders of unarmed Palestinian civilians.  The second day of their testimony wasn’t available in the English edition of Haaretz last night, which was why I translated excerpts.  But Haaretz now does have the English version available in a fuller translation than my own hastily composed one.

Iris Hefets also informs me that Israeli blogger and seruvnik Idan Landau has compared Haaretz’s Hebrew version of the eyewitness transcript to the original and finds several telling phrases omitted (he uses the term “censored”).  If you read Hebrew you can follow that interesting sidebar of the main story.

Haniyeh: all the dick is in the Riflemen

'Haniyeh: the whole the dick is in (that is, 'raped by') the Riflemen


Tonight I wanted to bring you an equally distressing story which tells of the budding fashion sense of IDF soldiers who, when they return from killing Gazans, boast of personalized T-shirts that they design often with the approval of their IDF superior officers.  To be clear, the shirts are not officially sanctioned by the IDF.  But the phenomenon is so widespread and tone of the slogans so toxic, that the IDF might just as well have endorsed them.

Here are some of the slogans:

A “graduation” shirt for those who have completed another snipers course depicts a Palestinian baby, who grows into a combative boy and then an armed adult, with the inscription, “No matter how it begins, we’ll put an end to it.”

There are also plenty of shirts with blatant sexual messages. For example, the Lavi battalion produced a shirt featuring a drawing of a soldier next to a young woman with bruises, and the slogan, “Bet you got raped!” A few of the images underscore actions whose existence the army officially denies – such as “confirming the kill” (shooting a bullet into an enemy victim’s head from close range, to ensure he is dead)…”We won’t chill ’til we confirm the kill.”

Pregnant Palestinian woman in the crosshairs

Pregnant Palestinian woman in the crosshairs

The [T-shirt] slogan “Let every Arab mother know that her son’s fate is in my hands!” [is accompanied by] a drawing depicting a soldier as the Angel of Death, next to a gun and an Arab town,” he explains. “The text was very powerful. The funniest part was that when our soldier came to get the shirts, the man who printed them was an Arab, and the soldier felt so bad that he told the girl at the counter to bring them to him.”

When are these shirts worn?

G. [soldier in an elite unit]: “These are shirts for around the house, for jogging, in the army. Not for going out. Sometimes people will ask you what it’s about.”

Of the shirt depicting a bull’s-eye on a pregnant woman, he said: “…It doesn’t really mean anything. I mean it’s not like someone is gonna go and shoot a pregnant woman.”

What is the idea behind the shirt from July 2007, which has an image of a child with the slogan “Smaller – harder!”?

“It’s a kid, so you’ve got a little more of a problem, morally, and also the target is smaller.”

'Every Arab mother must know that the fate of her son is in my hands' (photo: Nahum Kafri)

'Every Arab mother must know that the fate of her son is in my hands' (photo: Nir Kafri)

A shirt printed after Operation Cast Lead in Gaza for Battalion 890 of the Paratroops depicts a King Kong-like soldier in a city under attack. The slogan is unambiguous: “If you believe it can be fixed, then believe it can be destroyed!”

Y., a soldier/yeshiva student, designed the shirt. “You take whoever [in the unit] knows how to draw and then you give it to the commanders before printing,” he explained.

What is the soldier holding in his hand?

Y.: “A mosque. Before I drew the shirt I had some misgivings, because I wanted it to be like King Kong, but not too monstrous. The one holding the mosque – I wanted him to have a more normal-looking face, so it wouldn’t look like an anti-Semitic cartoon. Some of the people who saw it told me, ‘Is that what you’ve got to show for the IDF? That it destroys homes?’ I can understand people who look at this from outside and see it that way, but I was in Gaza and they kept emphasizing that the object of the operation was to wreak destruction on the infrastructure, so that the price the Palestinians and the leadership pay will make them realize that it isn’t worth it for them to go on shooting. So that’s the idea of ‘we’re coming to destroy’ in the drawing.

From left: "The smaller, the tougher" "Only God forgives"

From left: "The smaller, the tougher" "Only God forgives"

This past January, the “Night Predators” demolitions platoon from Golani’s Battalion 13 ordered a T-shirt showing a Golani devil detonating a charge that destroys a mosque. An inscription above it says, “Only God forgives.”

One of the soldiers in the platoon downplays it: “It doesn’t mean much, it’s just a T-shirt from our platoon. It’s not a big deal. A friend of mine drew a picture and we made it into a shirt.”

What’s the idea behind “Only God forgives”?

The soldier: “It’s just a saying.”

No one had a problem with the fact that a mosque gets blown up in the picture?

“I don’t see what you’re getting at. I don’t like the way you’re going with this. Don’t take this somewhere you’re not supposed to, as though we hate Arabs.”

After Operation Cast Lead, soldiers from that battalion printed a T-shirt depicting a vulture sexually penetrating Hamas’ prime minister, Ismail Haniyeh, accompanied by a particularly graphic slogan.

There is one penetrating critique of the entire phenomenon by an academic sociologist from none other than Bar Ilan University (affiliated with the Orthodox community):

Sociologist Dr. Orna Sasson-Levy, of Bar-Ilan University…said that the phenomenon is “part of a radicalization process the entire country is undergoing, and the soldiers are at its forefront. I think that ever since the second intifada there has been a continual shift to the right. The pullout from Gaza and its outcome – the calm that never arrived – led to a further shift rightward.

“This tendency is most strikingly evident among soldiers who encounter various situations in the territories on a daily basis. There is less meticulousness than in the past, and increasing callousness. There is a perception that the Palestinian is not a person, a human being entitled to basic rights, and therefore anything may be done to him.”

Could the printing of clothing be viewed also as a means of venting aggression?

Sasson-Levy: “No. I think it strengthens and stimulates aggression and legitimizes it. What disturbs me is that a shirt is something that has permanence. The soldiers later wear it in civilian life; their girlfriends wear it afterward. It is not a statement, but rather something physical that remains, that is out there in the world. Beyond that, I think the link made between sexist views and nationalist views, as in the ‘Screw Haniyeh’ shirt, is interesting. National chauvinism and gender chauvinism combine and strengthen one another. It establishes a masculinity shaped by violent aggression toward women and Arabs; a masculinity that considers it legitimate to speak in a crude and violent manner toward women and Arabs.”

I don’t think it’s right to blame the soldiers for expressions of such hatred, violence and racism.  They are mere projections of the society and military command from which they spring.  The generals and politicians, and behind them the Israeli people make these young boys who they are.  They fill them with the ideas rolling around in their brains.  The soldiers are doing Israel’s bidding.

It is all too common and almost hackneyed to warn how the Occupation has corrupted Israeli society.  But these images and slogans bring that message home terribly clearly.  Especially when you read the flummoxed soldier who becomes angry with the reporter and warns him not to take the slogans the wrong way lest he think his boys “hate Arabs.”  Of course they hate Arabs.  They were brought to do so.  And they have so little contact with a real Palestinian that they can easily delude themselves into believing that they don’t actually hate them.  The truth is they don’t know them and it is terribly easy to hate what you don’t know.

In fact, I often think that about readers and commenters here who vent their disgusting racist and hateful comments both towards me personally and Arabs in general (and a few toward Israelis).  They don’t know me.  They don’ t even have to see or meet me to write the things they do.  This makes the hating all the easier.

But returning to the soldiers and their hate, this is what the Occupation does to Israel.  It causes citizens to express and believe ideas whose content even they deny.  I can’t think of anything more corrupting, more corrosive to a people than being yoked with an albatross like this which drains the vitality and common sense from body and brain.

IDF Testimony of Possible War Crimes

Friday, March 20th, 2009

IDF graffiti: Death to Arabs (AP)

IDF graffiti--'Death to Arabs' (AP)

Haaretz continues today with its coverage (in Hebrew) of testimony by IDF soldiers regarding their treatment of Gaza civilians during the recent war.  Based on the information recounted it seems clear that a serious, in depth investigation of potential war crimes perpetrated by Israeli forces on orders from their superiors is necessary.  The Israeli human rights group Yesh Din and Amnesty International have each called for such an inquiry.

Amnesty also brings word that 17 of the world’s most eminent jurists, many of whom conducted international war crimes tribunals (including Richard Goldstone), along with human rights activists  (including Mary Robinson and Desmond Tutu)  have called for a UN investigation of potential war crimes.  Their letter to Secretary General Ban Ki Moon can be read at the Amnesty site.

Amos Harel, the Haaretz reporter who first broke this story reports today that the IDF has launched a half-hearted investigation of the charges.  But while going through the paces, it has also launched a frontal attack on Danny Zamir, the director of the Oranim College military preparatory program, who sponsored the meeting at which the soldiers revealed their stories.  Clearly, this is an IDF attempting to get out of dealing with the issues rather than addressing them forcefully.  In the IDF, there is no such thing as bad behavior when it comes to mistreating Palestinians.  The only time such activities are investigated and punished is when they’ve been videotaped for the world to see and the army cannot dispute what happened.

In this case, there is no documentary footage though there is the strong eyewitness testimony of soldiers on the ground.  It remains to be seen whether this is of sufficient weight to rouse the military behemoth into action.

What follows is my translation of portions of the latest Haaretz story.  Pay attention especially to the discussion of the religious zealotry of the Orthodox soldiers and how the rabbinate has turned the battle against the Palestinians into a holy war:

On Friday, Feburary , [Danny] Zamir brought together soldiers and captains, graduates of the military preparatory program, for a long discussion about their battle experiences in Gaza.

Zamir said: “I do not intend that we will delve into the political meaning of the Operation Cast Lead.  But a discussion is necessary because this was a military operation unprecedented in the history of the IDF, which defined new boundaries from the point of view of the ethical code of the army and the state of Israel.

This was a campaign which sowed destruction in the midst of the civilian residents [of Gaza].  It’s not clear whether it was possible to do it any other way.  But at the end of the day we’ve completed the operation and the Qassam have not really been silenced.  It is very possible that we will return to a future operation of even greater magnitude in the coming years, since the problem in Gaza is not simple and it’s not even clear that we can solve it.

Aviv: I am a commander of a company in the Givati brigade.  Towards the end of the operation there was a plan to enter a very densely populated sector in the middle of Gaza [City] itself.  The leaders began to speak with us about the rules of opening fire within the city.  Because as you know there was a great deal of fire and they killed many, many people so that we would not be injured or fired upon.

In the beginning, our aim was to get into a home.  We were supposed to go in with an armored vehicle and break through the door, firing within and then…I call this simple murder.  Basically, we were supposed to go floor by floor and any human being we came into contact with we shot at.  This is something that at the beginning I said to myself: “does this make any sense?”

The higher-ups said it was permissible because anyone left in the vicinity or in the city was a terrorist, because they didn’t flee.  I couldn’t understand it.  On the one hand, they didn’t have anywhere to flee to, and on the other hand they didn’t flee and therefore it was their own fault [if they were killed].

I tried to influence, to the extent it was possible given my lowly assignment, to change this.  Finally, they changed the orders and told us on entering the home to use loudspeakers and tell them: “let’s go, everyone get out, you have five minutes to exit the house, whoever doesn’t will be killed.”

I came to my troops and told them the orders had changed.  We enter the house, tell them they have five minutes to flee, check everyone leaving to ensure they have no weapons and THEN go into the house and shoot anything that moved, to toss a hand grenade.

Then came a moment that unnerved me.  One of my soldiers came to me and asked: “Why?”  I replied: “What’s not clear?  We don’t want to kill innocent civilians.”  He said: “Why, anyone remaining there is a terrorist, that’s well-known.”  His buddies then joined in: We needed to kill anyone we found there.  Everyone in Gaza is a terrorist.

I tried to explain to him that not everyone we would encounter would be a terrorist.  After he killed three children and four mothers on the bottom floor he would go up a flight and kill another 20 people.  With eight floors times five apartments on each one, you’d kill a minimum of 40-50 families.  I tried to explain to him why we needed to allow them to leave.  But it didn’t work.  I was frustrated to see that they believed that in Gaza it was permissible to do what you wanted, to break down doors as you pleased.

One of our captains saw an elderly woman walking at quite a distance [from him].  But close enough that you could tell whether she was suspicious or not.  He sent guys up to the roof to take her down.  From the description of the story, I simply felt this was cold-blooded murder.

Zamir: I don’t understand.  Why did they shoot her?

Aviv: This is what is seen as proper in Gaza.  You see a person passing by on a path, it’s not even necessary that they be armed.  You don’t have to identify him.  You can simply shoot him.  The orders were to take down this woman at that moment.

Tzvi: Aviv’s description is correct. But it’s possible to understand from where this ideas comes.  From their point of view she was not supposed to be there because there were announcements and warning shelling.  Logic tells you she shouldn’t be there.  You describe this as cold blooded murder.  But that’s not right.  It’s well known that sent out people to spy on us and all that.

Gilad: Before we entered [Gaza], the regimental commander took pains to clarify to us that one of the lessons from the second Lebanon war was the way we entered [Gaza], with lots of firing.  The intent was through the firepower to protect the lives of the soldiers.  During the operation the IDF’s losses were light, but this resulted in many dead Palestinian civilians.

The entrance of the infantry was very aggressive.  There were tanks with us.  Every inch of ground was covered by firing.

Zamir: After incidents like this involving mistaken killings, were there any investigations?  Do they check how they can prevent things from happening like this?

Ram: No one has yet come to investigate.

Moshe: The attitude is very simple.  It’s not nice to say this, but if it doesn’t move anyone to act we don’t investigate.  That’s what happens in battle.

Ram: The military rabbis sent us lots of material and in these articles the message was clear: we are the nation of Israel.  We arrived by a miracle in Israel.  God returned us to the Land [of Israel].  Now we must battle to remove the non-Jews who disturb us in our conquest of the Holy Land.  That was the main message.  And the sense of many of the soldiers in this operation was that it was a religious war.  From my perspective as a commander, I tried to talk about politics and various strains within Palestinian society.  That no everyone in Gaza was Hamas and not every resident wants to conquer us.  I wanted to explain to them that this war was not about Kiddush Hashem (sanctifying the name of God), but about stopping Qassam fire.

Zamir: Among the pilots was there any sense of denial?  It surprised me that on the first day of the campaign they took down Gaza’s traffic police.  They took down 180 traffic police.  This would arouse a question within me if I were a pilot.

Gideon: Let’s divide this into two.  First, they are armed and second they are Hamas.  On a good day, they take Fatah members and throw them off roofs.

From the moment you start your aircraft to the moment you turn it off, every thought is on the assignment you have to execute.  If you allow yourself to doubt, you are likely to make a much worse mistake and knock down a school with 40 children inside.  The price of such an error is very, very high.

Question from the audience: Were there any among the pilots who didn’t press the button or thought twice?

With the weapons I used, my ability to arrive at a decision that contradicts what they’ve told me up to that point is non-existent.  I send off my missile at such a distance that I can see all of Gaza.  I also see Haifa.  From a great distance.

IDF Soldiers Admit ‘Shoot to Kill’ Orders Against Gaza Civilians

Wednesday, March 18th, 2009

Thanks to reader Peter Drubetskoy for alerting me to a riveting Haaretz report (in Hebrew) describing a “reunion” of IDF soldiers who discussed their combat experience during the Gaza war.  The eyewitness accounts give the lie to the IDF and its supporters who touted the army’s adherence to the highest moral standards in prosecution of the war against Gaza.

The English edition gives a truncated version of the original Hebrew.  I’ll translate below the portions that were left out of today’s English language story.  It’s possible that Thursday and Friday’s editions will include translations of this material.  But I’d like to get it all out there now for people to read.

Here’s the introduction from today’s English edition:

During Operation Cast Lead, Israeli forces killed Palestinian civilians under permissive rules of engagement and intentionally destroyed their property, say soldiers who fought in the offensive.

The soldiers are graduates of the Yitzhak Rabin pre-military preparatory course at Oranim Academic College in Tivon…Their statements [were] made on Feb. 13…Dozens of graduates of the course who took part in the discussion fought in the Gaza operation.

The speakers included combat pilots and infantry soldiers. Their testimony runs counter to the Israel Defense Forces’ claims that Israeli troops observed a high level of moral behavior during the operation. The session’s transcript was published this week in the newsletter for the course’s graduates.

Here is the portion of the Hebrew story that is untranslated (I’ve omitted several passages I thought were peripheral):

The sniper sees a woman and children approaching him across the tracks over which they told him no one was allowed to approach.  He shot straight at them.  At any rate, what happened finally–he killed them.  They advanced and suddenly he saw them, people moving in an area in which it was prohibited to move.  I don’t think he felt particularly bad about this, because from his point of view he did his job according to the orders given to him.  The atmosphere in a general sense among my people [in such a situation] was to go out and speak with them [Palestinian civilians]…I don’t know how to define it.  Lives of Palestinians, let’s say, are something far, far less important than the lives of our boys.  That’s how they, from their perspective justified this.

Another commander from the same company told about an incident in which an officer shot and killed an adult Palestinian woman who walked along the road at a distance of 100 meters from a house the platoon captured.  He said he was forced to argue with his superior officer about the permissive terms for opening fire which made possible the “‘cleansing’ of the homes with rifle fire, without prior warning to the residents.  After the orders were changed, the soldiers under this officer complained about it, reasoning “you had to kill every human being found there.  Anyone found there was a terrorist.”

According to him, “you don’t sense from the captains that there’s any logic to this [the order to open fire on anything that moved], but they didn’t say anything.  To write sentences on the wall: “Death to Arabs,” to take family snapshots and spit on them, to burn everything belonging to the family, just because you could.  I think that this was the most central thing: to understand how much the IDF had fallen concerning its ethics.  No matter how much we say that the IDF is a an ethical army, let’s just say it didn’t work that way in the field, not at the regimental level.  That’s the thing I will most remember.

The head of the preparatory program, Danny Zamir, said he didn’t know beforehand what the soldiers would say at the conference and that the content “struck them dumb.”  He approached the chief of staff and warned him of his fear of a severe degradation of ethics in the IDF…Zamir got the impression that the IDF intended to deal with the issue seriously: “They don’t intend to cover it up,” he said.

An IDF spokesperson provided a response: in light of Danny Zamir’s approach to the chief of staff, a meeting was set up between the former and the chief educational officer, who informed him of the activities that happened before, during and after the operation intended to impress upon the troops and their officers the ethical considerations involved in battle.

The chief education officer added that the IDF was preparing profound and fundamental investigations and that officers were encouraged to have discussions about these subjects.  The IDF had no knowledge that confirmed these events.  It will investigate their truth as needed.

The human rights group, Yesh Din, called tonight for the chief military prosecutor and the government’s legal advisor to announce the formation of an external body to investigate these incidents.  The group declared further that it was necessary to give this body the necessary tools to bring criminal charges, whose clear purpose would be to establish blame and responsibility.

“Up till now, one and a half months after the Operation, not a single criminal investigation has been opened despite there being hundreds of testimonies which raise a clear suspicion that there were violations of the laws of war and war crimes.  These published testimonies cast a dark shadow not only on the soldiers who participated in the operation,  but the senior echelons who created the rules of engagement for opening fire.  As has become clear recently [a reference to the indictment of Sudan's president], in the event that the State of Israel fails to investigate its own abuses other nations will [do it for them].

One thing that strikes me here is the almost nostalgic yearning among the troops and Zamir for a truly ethical IDF, harkening back to an earlier era when such things were taken much more seriously (supposedly).  Both Zamir and the IDF education officer speak with the gravest seriousness about the subject when it should be clear to them, as it is to most of the rest of the world, that ethics are a lost cause as far as the army is concerned.  There is lip service paid.  Words are uttered.  Intentions are confirmed.  But as anyone who is a serious observer of the IDF knows, words are cheap.  Deeds are the currency of the realm.  And the IDF’s deeds in Gaza and its refusal to investigate them tell you how much value the army really places on ethics.

Something about the entire closing portion of this story in which the army and Zamir each share their profound concerns about ethical violations, reminds me of an elaborate charade carried out for the benefit of the impressionable young boys who witness such terrible events in Gaza.  The goal seems to ease troubled consciences rather than getting at justice.  For the IDF, justice is a dead Palestinian and a live Israeli.  All else is meaningless.

IDF: We Maimed Tristan Anderson to Save Lives

Wednesday, March 18th, 2009

No, I don’t presume that IDF spokespeople read Kafka or Joseph Heller.  But they might as well.  The gobbledy-gook that passes for PR flackery from these people simply boggles the mind.

A few days ago, at the weekly anti-Separation Wall rally in Naalin, the IDF fired high velocity tear gas canisters at a lone American who was photographing the demonstration.  Tristan Anderson, an unarmed International Solidarity Movement volunteer, not engaging in aggressive action or behavior, became yet another bloody statistic in the battle against the Israeli Occupation.  He was hit in the head, ripping a hole in his skull, exposing parts of his brain, and likely rendering him brain-damaged.  He may also lose an eye.

While four Naalin villagers have been killed by IDF and Border Police action at these rallies, this is the first time an American has been severely injured.  Palestinian blood is cheap for Israel, but American blood is more expensive.  You’ve got all that nasty PR in U.S. media outlets and the Obama administration is liable to take a dim view of Israeli soldiers deliberately targeting U.S. citizens with lethal force.  Coincidentally, the last American killed by the IDF was Rachel Corrie, another ISM volunteer.

Israeli peace activists intend to keep the heat on the IDF:

The activists claimed that an illegal gas canister developed for dispersing crowds, and which was deemed forbidden for use by the military prosecution in 2001, was used during the protest during which Anderson was injured. They also maintained Anderson was shot at intentionally…

This is the money quote which would’ve made Joseph Heller proud:

The IDF Spokesman Unit responded to the claims saying, “Use of the Ruger ammunition (0.22) [high velocity tear gas canisters] of this sort in Judea and Samaria is done in accordance with procedures for aggravated situations, within the exact same limitations as are placed on ‘regular’ live ammunition.

 ”It will be noted that these are not crowd dispersal tools, but ammunition for which obligatory regulations of live fire apply. The use of said ammunition, even in situations in which live ammunition can be used, is meant to limit the injuries of those being fired upon.

 ”Use of this accurate ammunition limits wounds and decreases the risk for fatal injury. Operational experience until now shows that using such ammunition indeed decreases the severity of wounds.

 

In other words, the IDF treats use of the tear gas as just as seriously as using live ammunition.  Which doesn’t really explain why a lone, unarmed American was targeted since he clearly didn’t constitute an “aggravated situation.”   What really raises my hackles is the implication that by using tear gas they decrease the risk for fatal injury.  Doesn’t this neglect the important fact that by using tear gas they put Tristan Anderson into a possibly irreversible coma that could lead to death or severe brain damage?  Can someone explain to me how that jibes with a weapon that supposed “decreases the severity of wounds?”

H/t to John Dickerson.

Ashkenazi Returns from D.C. Empty-Handed on Iran

Tuesday, March 17th, 2009

Thanks to reader Walter Ballin for pointing me to Robert Dreyfuss’ new Nation piece about Gabi Askhenazi’s first visit to Washington, D.C. as Israeli chief of staff.  He’d hoped to meet at least with defense secretary Gates, if not Obama or Biden themselves to enlist their support for an Israeli confrontation with Iran.  Apparently, he was shut down.  Not only did he not meet with them, those he did meet with like national security advisor James Jones reminded him that the U.S. is far more interested in discussing progress on the Palestinian issue than Iran.

Ashkenazi’s one consolation prize was a meeting with Dennis Ross, the State Department’s resident WINEP/Aipac frontman.  While many of us were distressed to hear of Ross’ appointment, it turns out he can be useful when an Israeli official comes to town who the higher ups don’t want to see.  Just foist him off on Dennis, and the Israeli can say he met a friendly face who listened sympathetically without promising anything.

According to Dreyfuss, Eli Lake is doing some interesting reporting as well.  The latter discovered that Bibi Netanyahu’s new national security advisor, Uzi Arad, has been barred from the U.S. since 2007 for his involvement in the Rosen-Weissman-Franklin Aipac spying scandal.  Interestingly, Israel claims Arad resigned from his senior role in the Mossad in 1997.  Yet the Franklin spy affair was in 2005 and Arad was long out of the spy service–or so he claims.  I wonder if Arad was serving the same role as Rafi Eitan, a current minister in the outgoing government, served in “running” Jonathan Pollack?

This Haaretz story tends to support this notion:

U.S. officials believe Franklin met with Arad during his frequent trips to Israel.

In the original indictment which was later annulled, Franklin is said to have met with Arad in the cafeteria of the Pentagon in February 2004. Franklin is also believed to have met with an Israeli diplomat serving in the Washington embassy who suggested that he meet with Arad.

During Arad’s last visit to the United States, FBI agents sought to question him. Arad, who was on his way to the airport to catch a return flight to Israel, suggested the investigators accompany him on the flight and question him on board the airplane. The agents agreed and conducted the questioning in flight.

The above story validates why an Israeli diplomat left the U.S. rather hastily just after the Franklin affair was reported by the news media.

An Israeli friend with some professional knowledge on these matters writes even more alarmingly about Arad:

Uzi Arad’s involvement in running espionage and spying rings is just the tip of the iceberg in a massive intelligence operation involving many Israeli diplomats and high-ranking American Jews. You cannot scare Israelis; they think they are invincible. And as Uzi Arad’s comment in the Washington Times article shows, he thinks it’s just a matter of time before the current diplomats/intelligence officers are able to make the right connections to lift the ban. 

But Americans generally are not so arrogant. When more cases like Rosen and Weissman are exposed, American Jews will think twice before they sell their souls to a foreign power, reveal American secrets, and undermine US interests. That’s another reason why the Freeman operation was a disaster of unimaginable proportions. Steve Rosen’s involvement showed not only that he’s still walking free despite aiding and abetting a massive espionage operation against the US, but that he wields power and can successfully derail an Obama appointment. Think how that empowers the others who are currently involved in this type of activity or considering it.  

All of which begs another question–if Arad was still working in some capacity for the Mossad in 2005, why should the U.S. trust that he won’t be working in a similar capacity even as national security advisor for Netanyahu?  Here in the U.S. we tend to bifurcate such roles.  Once you leave the CIA you can assume new government portfolios, but few assume that you might still have links to the agency.  Otherwise, things could get very messy very fast as they have for Arad.

One wonders how Israel’s national security advisor can do his job while barred from this country.  Not only that, what type of relationship can Arad expect to have with U.S. intelligence agencies who he presumably tried to burn by running Franklin?

On a different matter, Arad’s views on Iran seem a disaster waiting to happen:

As for what Israel should do about Iran, Arad argued for “maximum deterrence” during a 2006 panel discussion in Tel Aviv, according to a dispatch from UPI’s Joshua Brilliant. 
Israel should threaten to strike “everything and anything of value,” Arad said, including its leadership and “holiest sites.” 
“Everything together? Yes, Arad recommended,” according to UPI

Speaking of Iran and Israeli disasters in the making, the new coalition agreement signed by Netanyahu and Lieberman guarantees that the latter will have custody of Israel’s Iran policy.  In fact, it assign him responsibility to coordinate such policy with the U.S.  Given that Akiva Eldar said that the U.S. is considering barring Lieberman for past membership in a Kahane group since banned as affiliated with terror, one wonders how closely our government will want to associate with Lieberman.

Lieberman held a similar role when he served in Olmert’s last government.  Dreyfuss notes that a Labor politician remarked on Lieberman being appointed minister for strategic affairs that it was “a joke:”

“Lieberman is himself a strategic threat.”

Barack Obama seems to have  a clearer understanding of this than does Bibi Netanyahu.

Some of Dreyfuss’ reporting relies on a piece from the World Tribune, an online intelligence news source whose reliability I cannot vouch for.  So take that possibly with a grain of salt until the source is proven true.

Bipartisan U.S. Foreign Affairs Experts Urge Obama: Talk to Hamas

Tuesday, March 17th, 2009

A group of U.S. foreign affairs mandarins have urged President Obama to engage with Hamas in talks to bring them into the Palestinian political fold:

Nine former senior US officials and one current adviser are urging the Obama administration to talk with leaders of Hamas to determine whether the militant group can be persuaded to disarm and join a peaceful Palestinian government, a major departure from current US policy.

The bipartisan group, which includes economic recovery adviser Paul A. Volcker and former national security advisers Brent Scowcroft and Zbigniew Brzezinski, made the recommendation in a letter handed to Obama days before he took office…

The group is preparing…to release a report outlining a proposed US agenda for talks aimed at bringing all Palestinian factions into the Mid east peace process, according to Henry Siegman, the president of the US/Middle East Project, who brought the former officials together and said the White House promised the group an opportunity to make its case in person to Obama.

…Signatories included former House International Relations Committee chairman Lee Hamilton, a Democrat; former United Nations ambassador Thomas Pickering from the first Bush administration; former World Bank president James Wolfensohn; former US trade representative in the Ford administration Carla Hills; Theodore Sorensen, former special counsel to President John F. Kennedy; and former Republican senators Chuck Hagel and Nancy Kassebaum Baker.

This, in case any of you have forgotten, is why we elected this guy; and why he scares the living daylights out of the Israel lobby.  Imagine a president willing to reopen the terribly sensitive and almost taboo subject of whether we should give Hamas the cold shoulder.  Perhaps, just perhaps Obama is willing to question support of a policy to stifle Hamas and Gaza which has proven an abject failure.  That takes guts and let me tell you he’s gonna need ‘em to solve this sucker.

This is a perfect example of the type of self-defeating sentiment that got us into the fix we’ve been in for the past eight years:

Chuck Freilich, Israel’s former deputy national security adviser, said in a recent interview that talks with Hamas would be a waste of time. “I think they [the Obama administration] are going to find very quickly that the reason the Bush administration didn’t do anything for seven years was there wasn’t anything to do.”

God help us, this guy better be wrong or we’re in for a long, hard four years.

I find the thinking behind the letter to be quite compelling:

Siegman said the letter, which was handed to Obama by Volcker…said the administration should “at least explore the possibility” that Hamas, which took control of the Palestinian territory of Gaza after elections in 2006, might be willing to transition into a purely political party…

Thank heaven for realists and pragmatists.

Why Jewish Peace Movement Got It Wrong on Freeman

Saturday, March 14th, 2009

I think it’s useful to do a little debriefing in the aftermath of the Chas. Freeman affair in terms of who got it right and who didn’t.  So first of all kudos to Phil Weiss, Spencer Ackerman, Glenn Greenwald, Greg Sargent, M.J. Rosenberg, Ben Smith, Chris Nelson, Jim Lobe, Laura Rosen, Steven Walt, and others who reported the hell out of this story.  Jewish Voice for Peace was also one of the few groups which spoke out for Freeman.  We were right, but for reasons beyond our control we didn’t prevail.

But my real concern is examining the mistakes made by our side.  First, I really want to take to task the Jewish peace groups like Brit Tzedek, Americans for Peace Now, Israel Policy Forum, and especially J Street for turning tail and running from this fight as fast as their little feet would carry them.  One of my readers, Walter Ballin, has done me the favor of posting J Street’s timorous response to his question on the matter and it’s unfortunately very instructive:

The appointment and subsequent withdrawal of Chas. Freeman from a senior national intelligence post this week is just the latest example of Israel policy as political football.

J Street stayed out of this fight. First, we – probably like many of those who did comment – did not know enough about Freeman or his positions to really take a stand. Further, on principle, we objected to making our government’s intelligence apparatus a political battlefield. Remember, it was politicized intelligence that helped mislead the U.S. into Iraq.

I’m sorry but it’s J Street’s job to “know enough” about candidates for government jobs that significantly impact U.S. relations with Israel.  This is a cop out of the first order and frankly I don’t believe it.  Getting up to speed on Chas. Freeman’s views wasn’t that hard a task.

Second, it was the lobby that “politicized” this appointment not Obama or Freeman.  If you refuse to fight on the terms the other guy establishes then you’ll never end up in the fight.  They chose the battleground.  It doesn’t give us the luxury of refusing to engage.  On the contrary, this was a major battle with the lobby, and those groups whose job it is to act as a counter to the most pernicious behavior of the lobby folded up their tent and went home.

Now, however, in the aftermath of the battle and Freeman’s withdrawal, many are interpreting the incident as a victory for those who would make their view of what it means to be pro-Israel a standard for service in the U.S. government.

To that I personally – and we at J Street – object.

You can object all you want.  But again, the opponents set the terms.  They won.  They get to define what their victory means.  You can disagree all you want.  But since you absconded, it looks a little lame to come in after the fact and say their victory doesn’t mean what they say it means.  Besides, even those on our side of this understand that this victory will have toxic effects in the future.  The only question is whether the toxicity is small or large.  But it is and will be toxic.

The principle at stake here is critical: It cannot be a litmus test for service in the American government that you have never criticized Israel or its policies publicly.

Once again, that’s precisely the argument the other side made and it carried the day.  You weren’t there.  They were.  Sorry, but this is more lameness.

This really isn’t about Chas. Freeman or the statements he’s made. Again, we took no position on his nomination.

Why are you running away from Freeman as if he had leprosy?  At most, he was somewhat overbearing in the manner in which he expressed himself about Israel.  But none of his views are at great variance with those of J Street’s leaders.  Again, I think it’s most unfortunate that J Street spent more time objecting to the messenger than understanding that the message was what was really important.

…Some are strutting proudly today at the personal destruction of someone who – in their view – is a real foe of Israel. In their view, intimidating those who would otherwise speak their mind on Israel is the ultimate service to protect and defend the state of Israel.

They’re wrong. Israel’s no better off with only meek friends in positions of power in the United States. Frankly, all friends, Israel included, need to hear the hard truth sometimes.

And sure would’ve been nice if you’d said that when it could’ve helped Freeman and our side.

Others are clamoring that the failed appointment is the death knell of hope that President Obama may engage in meaningful diplomacy and conflict resolution in the Middle East.

They’re wrong, too. President Obama has already shown his determination to bring about a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. He’s appointed George Mitchell as Special Envoy for Middle East Peace and lived up to his promise to engage from Day One in resolving the conflict.

Easy to say.  But what happens when and if Obama finally bites the bullet and tells Israel to freeze the settlements and the lobby goes into real overdrive (not the ham-handed campaign it waged against Freeman).  Everyone will have in the back or front of their mind the “job” the lobby did on Freeman.  You couldn’t fault Obama for pulling punches after the shellacking they gave Freeman.  And make no mistake, they WILL pull punches.  J Street’s role is to encourage the administration NOT to pull its punches.  So where were  you when we needed you?

What is important to me is that the Obama team not draw the lesson from this episode that they simply need to be more careful vetting of appointees to make sure they’ve never criticized Israel.

And you think that WON’T come into play in future appointments given the experience on this one?

…I also feel strongly that if I see Israel or the United States following a misguided path, it’s not simply my right, but my obligation to speak out. Does that mean that I will never again be able to be in public service?

Given the treatment meted out to Freeman, it might.

Neither Israel nor the United States is served when free discussion and debate about foreign policy is stifled because people fear for the impact on their career of speaking openly.

Presidents and our country are best served by public officials willing to look critically at all sides of an issue that impacts the United States. In particular, those charged with gathering and sorting through intelligence to guide our foreign policy must be able to look at all sides of an issue.

Once again, you’ve got the issues but only expressed the right view after the horse left the barn.

I hope that the President and his team will ensure that subsequent choices for this and other sensitive intelligence and foreign policy positions have impeccable credentials and real independence. I further hope they choose people with the guts to speak truth to power and to force uncomfortable facts into foreign policy debates too often guided by political agendas.

Finally, I would say to friends of Israel that a litmus test for public service that rules out all those who have ever publicly questioned a policy or action of the government of Israel is of no service to the country you love. Without a hard look at the facts and the clock, a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and Israel’s future as a Jewish, democratic homeland, is at grave risk.

I want to add that J Street is not the sole group at fault.  The others I listed above were also derelict in their duty.

In the Brit Tzedek conference call with Dan Kurtzer, a caller asked where the Jewish peace lobby was on the Freeman issue.  Steve Masters, the group’s chair, conveniently chose not to respond.  But silence doesn’t cut it I’m afraid.  We don’t support these groups so they can sit on their hands when we need them to be most vigorous and pro-active.  So some serious boos to APN, Brit Tzedek and J Street.  As far as Israel Policy Forum, to their credit they allowed M.J. Rosenberg to write extensively in support of Freeman.  They probably could’ve muzzled him (though knowing M.J. it might not’ve worked) but didn’t.  So kudos to him for his courage.

Finally, the Obama administration also got this one wrong.  They didn’t battle for Freeman as they should have.  During the campaign, whenever the other side launched a salvo Obama’s people were there to return fire.  Here, whenever the pro-Israel right launched a salvo, no one responded.  It may’ve been a mid-level appointment and I realize that administrations may not be used to fighting for candidates that low on the totem pole.  But once the enemy engaged, it was Obama’s job to reply.  He didn’t and the Republican right and Israel lobby carried the day.

The reason why fighting for Freeman was critical wasn’t so much Freeman or the NIC director’s position.  It was the symbolism and its impact on future decisions and relationships.  I personally can’t believe that Obama and the Jewish peace groups allowed Steve Rosen to have such a cheap victory.  This is one of the worst practitioners of pro-Israel street fighting.  Someone under indictment for passing U.S. secrets to Israel.  This guy starts a fight and you say: “Sorry, not my fight?”  I’m sorry, but that’s not the way I see it.

So Steve Masters, Jeremy Ben Ami, Ori Nir, etc. you made a mistake on this one.

Gazans New Chickpea, Toilet Paper Bombs

Thursday, March 12th, 2009

This would be funny if it wasn’t so tragic:

The United States is protesting to Israel over seemingly random restrictions on deliveries to the Hamas-ruled Gaza Strip of harmless goods such as soap and toilet paper, diplomats said Wednesday…

In one case, Israel blocked for weeks a World Food Program (WFP) shipment of chickpeas, used to make the Palestinian food staple hummus, the U.N. food agency said…

“It is totally surreal,” one European diplomat said of Israeli decision-making. “One day we had 600 kg of pasta at the Kerem Shalom crossing but they said, ‘Today, pasta can’t go in’.”

Another Western diplomat said: “It’s ever-changing. One week jam is okay and the next week it’s not.”

In addition to soap and toilet paper, the officials cited restrictions that come and go on imports of certain types of cheeses, toothbrushes and toothpaste.

Hummus as a weapon of war.  It would take an Israeli bureaucrat to devise rules this arcane.  The next time anyone tells you the Occupation doesn’t corrupt thought and reason absolutely, remind them of this.

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