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Mohammad Said Kalash, "Offering Reconciliation" exhibit (photo: Ilan Amihai)

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Posts Tagged ‘roger-cohen’

Bibi at the White House: ‘I am the Leader of a Much Smaller People’

Saturday, May 21st, 2011


I don’t know whether Bibi was trying to tell the American people that Israelis had the pygmy gene in their DNA, but he had one of those awkward moments that doesn’t often happen to him, in which he said that while Pres. Obama led “a great people” he (Bibi) led “a much smaller people” allowing one to draw the implication that Israel was “not a great people.”  Obama rather graciously corrected Bibi’s flub by prompting him with the phrase “and a great people.”

Obama again, in remarks after their two-hour meeting, noted that Israel was a “Jewish state” making no reference to the fact that it was also composed of a significant minority of non-Jewish citizens.  It would be as if a foreign leader congratulated the U.S. for being a Christian nation.  It sure would make John Hagee happy.  But it wouldn’t make Rabbi David Saperstein happy (though he’d hypocritically be delighted with Obama’s characterization of Israel).

While the NY Times describes a frosty meeting in which the two disagreed fiercely on principles involved in peace negotiations with the Palestinians, Obama though did re-emphasize his solidarity with Israel concerning a prospective Iranian bomb.  But the U.S. president didn’t understand the irony of his claim that an Iranian nuclear weapon would destabilize the entire Middle East by setting off a nuclear arms race, when Israel has done precisely the same thing.  The fact that Israel has up to 400 nuclear weapons doesn’t seem to have entered into Obama’s thinking at all on that score.  Might it not be possible that at least one motivation of Iranian nuclear weapons development might be to counter the threat it perceives from Israel (and other hostile neighbors).

Obama desperately tried to find some common ground with a clearly disgruntled Netanyahu, so he brought up once again the red herring of Hamas’ alleged refusal to recognize the State of Israel while neglecting to mention that Bibi too refuses to recognize Palestine within 1967 borders. If you’re going to insist on Palestinians fulfilling pre-conditions for negotiations I see no reason why Israel shouldn’t as well. Obama also continued with the U.S. mantra that Hamas “is not a partner for a realistic peace process.” He refused to acknowledge the fact that not only Hamas, but Fatah as well sees Israel under Netanyahu as not a “realistic peace partner.” I recognize that the president had the Israeli prime minister sitting right next to him and it would’ve been hard to speak truth in that situation. But to be so divorced from reality is simply disappointing.

From the Times coverage of the meeting, it appears Israel-Palestine peace talks are dead–dead as a doornail. How else can you describe the peace process when Bibi says this:

For there to be peace Palestinians will have to accept a few facts as a basic reality…Israel cannot go back to the 1967 lines because these lines are indefensible. They don’t take into account demographic changes that have taken place over the past forty years…We’re going to have to have a long-term military presence along the Jordan Valley.

I found it almost surreal that Bibi was so desperate that he trotted out forty year-old Israeli talking points about the “nine-mile” strip that was Israel at its narrowest point, the so-called ‘Auschwitz borders’ so named by Abba Eban and lately taken up by Alan Dershowitz.

Netanyahu exploited the august venue of a presidential briefing to spread his noxious lies that Hamas is “the Palestinian version of Al Qaeda.”

The final “fact” that the Palestinians have to accept according to Bibi, is that the only Right of Return they will have is to a Palestinian state. What’s curious about this is that a Palestinian refugee who fled from a town or village within Israel will be deemed to have satisfied his right of return by settling in a country he never lived in and a town nowhere near the one he originally was expelled from. Why would a refugee from Ramleh or Jaffa want to ‘return’ to Ramallah or Nablus or Jericho? This may be resettlement, but it isn’t “return.” And Palestinians don’t merely want resettlement, they want recognition of the injustice committed against them through the Nakba.

In arguing against the Palestinian Right of Return, Bibi adds another lie to his presentation when he claims that Jews were “expelled from Arab lands in roughly the same number” as Palestinian refugees from Israel. First most Arab Jews, except in a few cases, weren’t “expelled” though many left feeling some sense of discrimination against them. And while it’s possible that 1-million Jews immigrated to Israel from Arab lands, they weren’t refugees driven from their countries in the same sense as the Palestinians were.

He brags that “tiny Israel” absorbed the Jewish refugees while the Arab states didn’t absorb the Palestinian refugees. Another case of historical blinders: Israel wanted these refugees to populate the “tiny” new state. In some cases, Israel actually fomented unrest through acts of anti-Jewish terror in Arab countries which stampeded Jews to leave for Israel. However, no Arab state needed or wanted Palestinians refugees, since the former believed they had been expelled unjustly. Why would an Arab country feel under any obligation to relieve Israel of the burden of guilt for this crime against its former Palestinian citizens?

The piece de la resistance of Bibi’s performance was when he said about the Right of Return:

That’s not gonna happen. Everybody knows it’s not gonna happen. And I think it’s time to tell the Palestinians forthrightly: it’s not gonna happen.

I definitely want to play that tape back for him in the coming years when precisely this outcome DOES happen. Let him put that in his pipe and smoke it.

So the question now is what next for U.S. policy. Will Obama allow it to go into the deep freeze as Bush did for eight years? And even if he wished to, will the momentum of the Arab Spring allow him to get away with such benign neglect?

On a separate matter, I thought it was quite illuminating that the Times for the first time has published an article that notes that Dennis Ross is Israel’s booster inside the White House. While the Times has covered Ross, it has never as explicitly portrayed his sympathies and acknowledged that he is not an honest broker, but Israel’s man. If American policy is a mess, a large part of the blame goes to Dennis Ross. That wasn’t in the article explicitly, but any well-informed person reading it would recognize that that was the implication that could and should be drawn. Ross has bested George Mitchell and Hillary Clinton in obstructing any American proposals that would challenge Israel overly much. He is the last man left standing. But what he stands over is an administration policy in shambles. And he deserves the credit for that. Will he get it though? I hope to God he will.

While there is a considerable amount of apt analysis in Roger Cohen’s account of Pres. Obama’s Mideast speech, I find this rejection of the September Palestinian campaign at the UN for statehood remarkably obtuse:

It represents a return to useless symbolism and the narrative of victimhood.

I find it offensive that a British Jew would condescend to Palestinians by telling them their quest for a vote on supporting statehood was not just ‘symbolism,’ but worse, part of a ‘narrative of victimhood.’ By what right does he talk about the victimhood of Palestinians? What suffering has he endured that makes him an expert on the strategy Palestinians should use to attain their dream of a state of their own? This leaves a bitter taste in my mouth.

Assange’s Delusions on Bibi and Mideast Peace, Amazon’s Spinelessness

Friday, December 3rd, 2010

The problem with writing a blog is that you write one thing one day and by the next it’s overtaken by events and you have to backtrack and take back almost everything you said the day before.  Such is the case with Julian Assange, about whom I wrote that it would be enormous folly for the U.S. to prosecute him for espionage violations for his role in the Wikileaks episode.

While I stand by what I wrote regarding this, I have to add that Julian Assange is coming across more and more as a semi-delusional personality.  As Roger Cohen writes in today’s NY Times, the guy knows next to nothing about the Middle East or Israeli politics.  You can see that from the nonsense he spouted in a Time Magazine interview in which he said:

…We can see the Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu coming out with a very interesting statement that leaders should speak in public like they do in private whenever they can. He believes that the result of this publication, which makes the sentiments of many privately held beliefs public, are promising a pretty good [indecipherable] will lead to some kind of increase in the peace process in the Middle East and particularly in relation to Iran. I just noticed today Iran has agreed to nuclear talks. Maybe that’s coincidence or maybe it’s coming out of this process, but it’s certainly not being canceled by this process.

There are so many things wrong with this it’s hard to know where to start.  First, Bibi Netanyahu should talk about saying the same thing in private that he says in public.  The problem with Israeli policy is that it says one thing in private and does the exact opposite (or pretty much whatever it wants) in public.  Take Meir Dagan’s promise to Bush’s national security advisor that Israel didn’t intend to attack Syria, made only two months before Israel took out an alleged nuclear reactor there.

Second, and as Cohen noted, Bibi is talking about Israel’s desire for war against Iran.  He wishes foreign leaders would back up their hostile words spoken privately to U.S. ears with public hostility toward Iran.  This would bring the Middle East closer to war, not peace.  So if you think a U.S. or Israeli attack on Iran will lead to some kind of “increase” in the peace process then you’re with Julian on this one (and belong in the loony bin).  But if you’re someone who has his head screwed on right, both Bibi and Julian are full of s(&t on this one.

Which all goes to show you that even people who are doing the right thing may be doing it for the wrong reasons.  Or may have feet of clay.  Whistleblowers like Assange often have very complicated, and sometimes personal, or not very noble reasons for their actions.  At times, they don’t understand the magnitude of their actions and their long-term impact on themselves, their loved ones or their audience.  I know this from my own interaction with such a source.

joe lieberman

Joe 'I-Brought-Down-Wikileaks' Lieberman, tin-pot senator

On a related note, Amazon has caved in spectacular fashion to Joe “Little Mussolini” Lieberman by yanking Wikileaks off the Amazon servers for supposed violation of terms of use.  So much for web hosts upholding freedom of speech and the free exchange of information on the internet.  What shocks me is Amazon’s explanation for its actions:

Amazon…said that it had canceled its relationship with WikiLeaks not because of “a government inquiry,” but because it decided that the organization was violating the terms of service for the program.

“When companies or people go about securing and storing large quantities of data that isn’t rightfully theirs, and publishing this data without ensuring it won’t injure others, it’s a violation of our terms of service, and folks need to go operate elsewhere,” the company said.

Talk about speaking truthfully in public settings, Amazon is lying and doing so unconvincingly.  Of course they dumped Wikileaks because of a government inquiry and government pressure.  Of course they didn’t want to be on the wrong side of a Washington power-broker who could cause them no end of headaches.  What do you think that phone call from Joe Lieberman was?  An invitation to the dance?

We got mad at Google and Yahoo for acquiescing to Chinese censorship.  This isn’t that much different.  Someone in the government who can make your company’s life a living hell tells you to get rid of Wikileaks and instead of considering your options or corporate reputation if you cave, you promptly follow orders and dump ‘em.

Amazon’s finding that Wikileaks doesn’t “own” the data or that is isn’t rightfully theirs is just plain wild.  On what basis are they saying the material isn’t rightfully theirs?  Isn’t that for a court to decide?  And what violation of law specifically has Wikileaks engaged in in receiving or storing the documents?  That hasn’t been proven either.  Yes, one could argue that Bradley Manning, the actual leaker violated military guidelines.  But Wikileaks?  That’s hard to tell without legal adjudication.

Besides, if Wikileaks violated Amazon’s terms of service by uploading this material to its server doesn’t every newspaper website which is featuring the same material risk violating the terms of service of their web hosts?  Should the NY Times’ webhost take down its site for this reason?  Where do you draw the line?

At any rate, the bottom line is that Amazon is a spineless wimp which ought to recall the corporate slogan of another online corporate behemoth, Google: Do no evil.  Amazon, you’ve done bad today.  Very bad.  I hope you get so much nasty negative publicity from this that you live to regret your spinelessness.  At the first sign of trouble, you head for the hills.  Is this any way to stand up for free speech on the web?  To support those who speak truth to power?

There’s a chance Julian Assange may be Time’s Person of the Year (note: I didn’t vote for him).  I hope if he is he takes a nice big pot shot at Amazon for caving to U.S. government bullies.

Roger Cohen to Obama: ‘Break Some Bones’ to Get Extended Settlement Freeze

Thursday, September 23rd, 2010

Roger Cohen is usually an elegant, dispassionate writer. But in his column today which describes a dinner for Mahmoud Abbas hosted by American Jewish leaders, he’s talking tougher than I’ve ever heard.  First, he says that the Israel-Palestine peace negotiations are poised to go over a cliff.  Listening to his dinner companions, the U.S. diplomat and Palestinian leader seated next to him:

…Was like listening to a rousing peace overture as an ominous leitmotif of disaster keeps returning with ever greater insistence.

While Abbas referred to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as his “partner in peace”…the American diplomat and Yasir Abed Rabbo of the P.L.O. kept whispering in my ear that the mother of all train wrecks was looming…

I came away from the dinner convinced the United States is on the brink of a diplomatic fiasco. Less than a month after President Obama put the imprimatur of a White House ceremony on renewed Israeli-Palestinian talks, the negotiations are close to breakdown.

Here’s the money quote:

Obama must now break some bones to get his way…

He’s in effect telling Obama to break Bibi’s bones to get an extended freeze.  Astonishing to read him saying such words about a measly three month extension.  If Israel is as unable to respond positively on a seemingly small point like this one, how does anyone expect they will be able to compromise on any substantive issue later on?  I would give the odds as 1,000 to 1 against success.

It is interesting that Abe Foxman and all the fatcat Jewish leaders in attendance at the same dinner heard Abbas to be saying something entirely different than Cohen did.  They heard Abbas say, according to them, a freeze isn’t critical.  I won’t sweat the small stuff.  But that wasn’t at all what Abbas said.  He was being overly polite to a crowd that didn’t deserve it.  He should’ve lit into them and told them the truth, which is that without an extension there is no way the Palestinian street would let him continue.  I concede that Abbas is such a wimp that he would on his own return to the talks without a freeze.  But I don’t think the Palestinian people would allow it.

Roger Cohen: If Russians and Poles Can Make Peace, So Can Israelis and Palestinians

Tuesday, April 13th, 2010

They announced the Pulitzer Prize winners yesterday and someone who truly deserved one was not among the winners: Roger Cohen.  His brave reporting in June from the streets of Teheran after the allegedly fraudulent presidential election was absolutely riveting.  You felt like you were there at a crucial moment of Middle Eastern history.  And Cohen’s humanity and decency shone through all the violence and lies of the Iranian authorities.

Cohen proved once again with today’s column about the Polish airliner tragedy at Katyn, why he deserved that Pulitzer.  He writes movingly of the difficulty of reconciliation between Poles and Russians considering the suffering inflicted on the former by the latter in places like the Katyn Forest, where Stalin murdered 20,000 of the cream of the Polish nobility and armed forces.  Out of the flames of this plane crash, comes the certainty that if two bitterly opposed peoples like Poles and Russians can find common ground, then there is no such hatred that cannot be soothed:

Watching him [Vladimir Putin] beside Poland’s prime minister, Donald Tusk, I thought of François Mitterrand and Helmut Kohl hand-in-hand at Verdun in 1984: of such solemn moments of reconciliation has the miracle of a Europe whole and free been built…

I thought even of Willy Brandt on his knees in the Warsaw Ghetto in 1970, a turning point on the road to a German-Polish reconciliation more miraculous in its way even than the dawning of the post-war German-French alliance. And now perhaps comes the most wondrous rapprochement, the Polish-Russian.

96 lost souls would be dishonored if Polish and Russian leaders do not make of this tragedy a solemn bond. As Tusk told Putin, “A word of truth can mobilize two peoples looking for the road to reconciliation. Are we capable of transforming a lie into reconciliation? We must believe we can.”

Poland should shame every nation that believes peace and reconciliation are impossible, every state that believes the sacrifice of new generations is needed to avenge the grievances of history. The thing about competitive victimhood, a favorite Middle Eastern pastime, is that it condemns the children of today to join the long list of the dead.

So do not tell me that cruel history cannot be overcome. Do not tell me that Israelis and Palestinians can never make peace. Do not tell me that the people in the streets of Bangkok and Bishkek and Tehran dream in vain of freedom and democracy. Do not tell me that lies can stand forever.

Ask the Poles. They know.

Amen.

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Iran’s Leading Dissident Cleric, Montazeri, Dies

Sunday, December 20th, 2009
Grand Ayatollah Hossein Montazeri passes

Grand Ayatollah Hossein Montazeri, spiritual father of reform movement, passes

There are times in history when events diverge from their expected course and disaster follows.  At those times, one says “if only,” and wonders what might have been.  This is the case with the death today of Grand Ayatollah Hossein Ali Montazeri, Iran’s leading dissident cleric who had once been Ayatollah Khomeini’s designated successor.  Shortly before the latter’s death, there was a major falling-out between the two and Montazeri inherited ostracism and demonization instead of the reins of power.

One wonders what might have been had Montazeri instead of Ayatollah Khamenei become Supreme Leader.  Of course, it’s always possible that once in power Montazeri would have behaved in the same obtuse, obstreperous way the current leader does.  But given the flintiness and independence of Montazeri’s personality in the face of his years in the cold, wondering what could have been is not an idle pursuit.

In thinking about Iran after Montazeri, I’m reminded of the death of another defrocked former leader whose death led to tremendous national turmoil: the death of China’s Hu Yaobang in 1989.  This event, and the mourning of his loss galvanized China’s youth into political mobilization for change.  Though the movement was eventually quashed, its effect reverberates to this day in contemporary China.

Will the same thing happen in Teheran?  Hard to say.  As in China, in today’s Iran there is a stark division between pragmatist/reformers and hardliners.  Unlike in China then, where there was a period of hesitancy in which the pragmatists seemed to have the upper hand, the hardliners in Iran at least for the moment seem to exert more control.  But every day is a potential powder keg in today’s Iran.  The death of the leading symbol of defiance of the radical clerics could strike a lightning bolt through the reformers.

Roger Cohen has written another one of his eminently sensible columns about U.S. policy toward Iran.  His advice is essentially: “Don’t just do something, stand there.”  He argues that the best stance for us to take toward Iran is neutrality and silence.  This will take away from the hooligans in power the cudgel of the American devil to use against the reformers.

Cohen argues firmly against sanctions as a viable policy and argues that they are a sledgehammer from another era, not a useful tool that will bring a desired response from Iran.

Though I’m in agreement with Cohen, there is one point that was missing from his column and which was emphasized by the panelist at the Town Hall conference I organized this week: human rights.  Prof. Sahimi emphasized that human rights is a universal principle which Iran will find it hard to dispute if the U.S. raises the issue in an international context.  We can, as a nation, demand that Iran honor its commitment to human rights.  This does not have to become a partisan issue.  It has enough universal sway that raising it would be perceived by most Iranians as legitimate, even if the current rulers would not see it that way.

Peace Now is circulating an urgent message that Senator Harry Reid has circulated a “Hotline” item to members asking for unanimous consent to proceed to a vote on the Iran sanctions bill without debate.  The group released this statement opposing the bill:

We strongly urge Senators to object to this attempt to short-circuit debate (and potential amendments) and fast-track a piece of complex and far-reaching legislation – legislation that would impact virtually every aspect of and every option for US policy toward Iran now and in the future.

We have opposed many of the sanctions included in S. 2799 – particularly those focused on Iran’s access to refined petroleum products – since they were first suggested.   We believe these sanctions reflect a misguided and potentially self-defeating approach for the US to the challenge posed by Iran’s nuclear program.

A representative of Cleveland Peace Action adds this compelling criticism:

…The bill [would] compel Presidential action rather than leaving such action to his discretion. They also require that no sanctions be relieved unless the  President testifies that there has been complete cessation of Iran’s Uranium enrichment  (which Iran categorically refuses), again essentially removing discretion for any other UN nuclear negotiation. Also, almost no one believes that refined petroleum sanctions will be very effective or will change Iran’s nuclear stance, but many point out that it will hurt the Iranian people, and has been opposed as harmful by Iranian reformists and human rights activists. I personally add the warning that many who know this bill will be ineffective still press for its enactment because it will justify military action when it fails.

Fast-tracking would be disastrous for those who wish to derail or modify the current legislative proposal.  Local Seattle activists have clarified the situation through Sen. Maria Cantwell’s office and heard this:

Bert Sacks, a NPPI steering committee member, contacted Jonathan Hale of Washington’s Senator Maria Cantwell’s office, who states this won’t be acted upon until next year, but he’s checking with a colleague in Harry Reid’s office to verify that this is correct -  or that is has been “hotlined.”  Further, Jonathan has written: “I checked and some Senators are holding it up at a this point not allowing it to move out of the Senate without debate.  It is not possible to determine which Senators are involved, but I believe it’s more than one.”

Contact your senator to oppose hotlining this bill.  While you’re at it tell him/her about your objections to the current provisions of the legislation.  We mustn’t do something just for the sake of doing something.  This is far too dangerous a situation for such empty rhetoric.  We should remember that bellicosity and empty gestures in a powder keg environment could provide the match that blows everything to smithereens.

J Street Supports Iran Sanctions

Friday, October 16th, 2009

This will be one of those posts I write periodically in which I oppose J Street.  Howard Berman’s committee is marking up an Iran sanctions bill on October 28th and J Street has announced its support with this statement:

J Street supports the thoughtful and nuanced approach to Iran sanctions legislation articulated yesterday by Chairman Howard Berman.

We agree that it is a vital interest of the United States, Israel and the entire Middle East to ensure that Iran does not obtain nuclear weapons.

Further, we agree with the Chairman’s stated policy preferences for achieving that objective.

J Street’s first choice – as it is for President Obama and Chairman Berman- is to resolve the nuclear issue through diplomatic means.  We too strongly support the Obama Administration’s efforts to engage Iran and hope for promising follow-through to the first round of talks in Geneva on October 1.

However, should engagement not produce the desired results, we too believe that the United States should seek hard-hitting multilateral sanctions through the United Nations Security Council.  If that course of action proves impossible, then the U.S. should work to build the broadest possible international coalition to back such steps.

The imposition of unilateral sanctions, without UN approval or the support of allies, should be, as the Chairman himself says, a last resort.

J Street supports the Chairman’s intention to mark up the bill on October 28th and to give the President further time to pursue our preferred options.

I take issue with J Street’s claim that sanctioning Iran will have any impact whatsoever on the country.  As Roger Cohen said last night on Charlie Rose, Iran has had years to figure out ways of getting around sanctions.  Stopping the flow of refined petroleum into Iran not only will not harm Iran, it won’t work.  If we honor a sanctions regime, our allies Russia and China will not and Iran will get everything it needs, thus defeating the purpose of the legislation and making us look foolish.  In fact, Cohen noted that the only party in Iran which benefits from sanctions are the Revolutionary Guards who control the smuggling routes that bring embargoes products into the country.  So if you want to support the hardline regime, sanctions are the best way to do so.

It should also be noted that sanctions are a path endorsed by the Israeli government as a first step toward a military attack (when they don’t work).  Yesterday, Israel’s deputy prime minister, Dan Meridor, noted Israel’s fondest wish would be regime change in Iran.  So the Berman approach, while not intentional, could easily lead down a slippery slope toward the use of force.

I’m frankly shocked that J Street might be asking its supporters to lobby on behalf of an Iran sanctions bill on October 28th.  If you were planning to participate in the lobbying day on the Hill I hope you’ll make known to J Street that you won’t cooperate with this part of its agenda.  There are many useful issues to discuss with lawmakers when you meet with them.  Among those, supporting Obama administration policy on Israel and the settlements and on diplomatic engagement with Iran.  I suggest sticking to these issues and not roaming far afield into territory best left to Aipac (which also brought its members to Capitol Hill to lobby for Iranian sanctions during its national conference).

Clearly, under tremendous fire from the Israel lobby, J Street is eager to stake out safe pro-Israel territory so it can lay claim to the center of the political spectrum instead of the far left, with which the right-wing wishes to associate it.  But we should be careful in such tactical approach not to fall into the bad habits of our political opponents like Aipac, which also support sanctions.  We are different than they are.  When we agree with Aipac it’s great to note that, but this shouldn’t be one of those rare times.

I note that Americans for Peace Now has taken a more principled position and opposes the bill.  As J Street grows in strength and prepares to consolidate with Brit Tzedek while Israel Policy Forum faces severe financial problems, the divergence between J Street and APN proves why there should not be only one Jewish peace group in this country.  If J Street can’t manage to take a progressive position on a particular issue we need a group like APN which can.

Roger Cohen: Obama’s Iran Address Will Bring ‘Painful But Necessary Redefinition of Relations with Israel’

Monday, March 23rd, 2009

The Israeli-Arab conflict is so murky, so fraught with confusion and distortion that one can only be thankful when a commentator manages to cut through the haze, allowing light to penetrate and illuminate essential truths. This is what Roger Cohen has done with his latest N.Y. Times column praising Pres. Obama’s address to the Iranian people.

Cohen visited Iran recently and spent time with Iranian Jews and is one of the few American Jews who has done so and written about it. Cohen’s trip and columns urging a transformation of U.S. policy toward Iran were perfectly timed with an Obama administration policy review happening roughly at the same time.

The N.Y. Times journalist notes that the speech–which recognized for the first time the Iranian revolution and current regime, and called for a peaceful, negotiated resolution of outstanding differences–was the fruit of the policy review. Gone was the former Bush approach calling Iran a member of the “axis of evil.” Gone were references to “mad mullahs” and Nazi appeasement circa 1938. In their place were carefully crafted notes of pragmatism. An acknowledgment of serious differences, but an accompanying acknowledgment that there should be means to resolve those differences short of war.

You can imagine how much this must rattle Israel’s intelligence agencies, military command, and members of the incoming rightist coalition headed by Bibi Netanyahu (one of those who has claimed that today’s Iran is “Munich, 1938″). The most telling passage in Cohen’s column and one of the wisest statements I’ve read in months on this subject is this:

[In his speech], President Obama achieved four things essential to any rapprochement.

He abandoned regime change as an American goal. He shelved the so-called military option. He buried a carrot-and-sticks approach viewed with contempt by Iranians as fit only for donkeys. And he placed Iran’s nuclear program within “the full range of issues before us.”

By doing so, Obama made it almost inevitable that one of the defining strategic issues of his presidency will be a painful but necessary redefinition of America’s relations with Israel as differences over Iran sharpen.

With this lucid, cogent and scalpel-like appraisal of the future of U.S.-Israel relations, Cohen has cut through layers of detritus laid down by Aipac and pro-Israel forces. It will earn him the enmity of the lobby and Israel’s new rightist leaders. It will earn him the admiration of those who really care about a peaceful future for Israel and its Arab neighbors.

As M.J. Rosenberg and others have pointed out, it’s no accident that Israeli president Shimon Peres delivered on the same day, a bellicose, chutzpahdik address to the Iranian people calling on them to put an end to their slavery to the crazy mullahs by rising up en masse to overthrow them. If you read the text of Peres’ remarks it seems like something out of the Kennedy administration’s disastrous attempts to overthrow Castro via the Bay of Pigs invasion. The address was a ham-handed, grotesque attempt at persuasion using a hammer and anvil instead of reasoned argument (which was what Obama’s speech represented).

I view the Peres address as almost an act of desperation: as if the Israeli hardliners are saying to the U.S. and rest of the world, “we don’t care what direction Obama takes, we’re going to lay down our own marker in this game and devil take the hindmost.” And it may be even worse, Peres and his handlers could be expressing their disgust at Obama’s abandonment of the former Bush administration informal pact with Israel by which both nations agreed that Iran was one of the greatest dangers to world peace. An Israel that expresses disgust with a U.S. president could be a very dangerous partner, one that could “go it alone” and take unilateral military action against Iran. It may take all of Obama’s persuasive rhetoric and even a bit of the stick to rein in Israel as Cohen writes here:

Obama’s new Middle Eastern diplomacy and engagement will involve reining in Israeli bellicosity and a probable cooling of U.S.-Israeli relations. It’s about time. America’s Israel-can-do-no-wrong policy has been disastrous, not least for Israel’s long-term security.

The pro-Israel crowd can cry and moan about Cohen being anti-Israel (and this statement is a very strong one in the context of the U.S.’ former relations with Israel under Bush), but this journalist is anything but a Chas. Freeman. There is no animus here. No shrillness. No railing against Israeli policy. There is just pure lucidity and pragmatism, something that has been missing from U.S. policy toward Israel and Iran for a LONG time.

How Jewish GIs Became Slave Laborers in Nazi Concentration Camps and Our Government Covered it Up

Monday, February 28th, 2005

Roger Cohen and Charles Guggenheim have helped reclaim a hitherto unknown shameful event in U.S. history: the abandonment by our government of 350 GI POWs who were sent to German concentration camps to engage in deadly slave labor near war’s end. Cohen’s The Lost Soldiers of Stalag IX-B, appearing in the New York Times alerted me to this horrifying event about which I’d previously known nothing. In April, his new book on the subject, Soldiers and Slaves, will be published (see book link and jacket here). Charles Guggenheim directed the award-winning documentary, Berga: Soldiers from Another War which is linked below.

When the Germans launched the Battle of the Bulge they captured over 80,000 GIs. They sent them to POW camps within Germany proper. But for a select group of 350 GIs, their lives would turn into a living hell. The Nazis in the dying days of the War were desperate for slave labor to support the war effort. So they decided to try to identify the Jewish GIs and send them to slave labor camps in absolute contravention of the Geneva Convention. In addition to Jews who inexplicably self-identified themselves, the Nazis enlisted soldiers whose names sounded Jewish or whose features appeared Jewish. To these, the Germans added non-Jewish soldiers they deemed troublemakers. 20% of the group were Jews (while 3% of regular Army troops were Jewish).

This group of men were ferried by train to a concentration camp called Berga. There they worked in 17 tunnels dynamiting and breaking down rock to no clear purpose. Unlike the regular European Jewish inmates who had become inured to the hardship of camp life due to previous internment in far harsher locations like Buchenwald, the GIs were unused to such harsh conditions and a score died in camp from starvation or illness. But the worst of the worst came in the final days of the war, when the German guards, afraid of capture by the advancing Allied armies took their charges on the infamous Death Marches endured by tens of thousands of Jewish camp inmates. Conditions on these desperate journeys were far worse than in the camps. The GIs took to eating grass because there was no other food to eat. Scores died until the marchers finally met advancing U.S. troops near the Czech border.

Pfc. James Watkins at prison hospital in
Fuchsmuehl, Germany after surviving the
Berga death march
(credit: NARA Photo)

For more documentary photographs of Berga, visit Jewish Virtual Library.

In the course of a mere ten weeks, these men went from being the pride of America’s fighting effort to concentration camp inmates. Those who survived, though almost none of them understood this at the time or even later, had become Holocaust survivors. But the terrible schande about this event is that the U.S. military and government told the survivors to forget what happened to them. It even forced some to sign confidentiality agreements saying they would not reveal what they suffered as it might compromise the nation.

Two of the most sadistic German guards were imprisoned, but the longest sentence was a mere seven years. The SS commandant of the camp escaped punishment entirely. All this, because by 1947 the U.S. had decided that its next major enemy would become Soviet Russia. The crimes of Nazis, even when perpetrated on our own troops were no longer important. There were U.S. commanding officers among the POWs who counseled the Jewish GIs to reveal their ethnic identity to their German captors. They in effect became unwitting collaborators with their Nazi guards. None of them were ever disciplined for their arrant stupidity.

Tunnels which housed mines where
GIs slaved
(credit: NARA)

You can imagine the psychological toll that the event has taken on the survivors made even worse by the Army and government’s conspiracy of silence. How can a soldier who’s been through that hell be brave enough to want to remember it when everyone he served with is telling him forget? For me, this is yet another nail in the coffin of the Roosevelt Administration as it pertains to its Holocaust policy. As for the Jewish inmates, one might register a scintilla of understanding for its position that saving them was not the highest priority because it would not hasten the war’s end. But here you have the case of U.S. soldiers, U.S. citizens made to endure the worst of Nazi torment. And no one in a position to do so did anything. Then, afterwards they tried to cover it up. This is an act of shame and a stain on the nation.

The events of Berga also have a contemporary resonance which Roger Cohen did not realize when he wrote this article. Since 9/11, the Bush Administration has done its best to limit the scope of the Geneva Convention as far as denial of basic rights for Taliban and Al Qaeda fighters. What Alberto Gonzales, John Ashforth and all those who wish to ignore the Geneva Conventions should remember is that if Nazi Germany could turn its back on the protections afforded by the Conventions in situations like Berga, imagine what could happen to American soldiers captured in countries that have even less respect for international law than Nazi Germany did. The stronger we argue that Geneva Conventions do not apply to such terrorist suspects, the more we are begging for some other power or nation to throw our position back in our face as they treat our soldiers the same way the Berga prisoners were treated.


GI kneels at grave of dead GI in Berga
cemetery
(credit: NARA)


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