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Mohammad Said Kalash, "Offering Reconciliation" exhibit (photo: Ilan Amihai)

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Posts Tagged ‘right-of-return’

Don’t Waste Our Time, Bibi

Monday, May 16th, 2011

Bibi Netanyahu, preceding his visit to the U.S., in which he will address a Joint Session of Congress and meet the president at the White House, has done the world a deep disservice by offering nothing in a speech that outlines his position regarding peace negotiations and resolving the conflict.  His position might reasonably be characterized as the Three No’s in deference to the Khartoum Declaration by the Arab League, though in Bibi’s case we have to expand the number of no’s to four (at least):

1. No to peace negotiations with a Palestinian unity government
2. No to sharing Jerusalem
3. No to the Right of Return within Israel proper
4. No to any agreement that doesn’t recognize Israeli a priori as a “Jewish state”

The very language of the speech showed the hopelessness of Bibi’s position as he called the undetermined West Bank territory Israel would cede to Palestine part of “our homeland…the land of our fathers [in which] we have historical rights”  This marks Bibi just as much of a rejectionist as those in Hamas he excoriates.  If the Occupied Territories are part of the Jewish homeland, then why can’t Israel proper be considered by the Palestinian rejectionists part of their inalienable homeland?  It’s a zero sum game no matter who’s playing it.  But in Bibi’s mind only Israel gets to play the game while the Palestinians have no right to do so.  All of which of course makes no sense to anyone but Bibi and his supporters.

Bibi’s “proposal” is a marked retreat from what Ehud Olmert offered Abbas a few years ago in a deal that most thought even then was skewed in Israel’s favor.  So from the get-go this is a non-starter.  Bibi knows it.  Tzipi Livni (and no, Ethan Bronner, the party she heads is not “center-left” except in the mind of a liberal Zionist like yourself) stated the obvious:

“If you do not initiate, decisions will be made for Israel,” Ms. Livni said. “You have missed your opportunity to provide Israel with a vision. You are going to the United States without initiatives for peace.”

I can’t for the life of me understand why he even bothers going through the motions.  One reason, I suppose, is that he believes by appealing to the U.S. Congress, which he imagines to be a pro-Israel bastion, he can go over Obama’s and the world’s head; and this somehow will magically prevent creation of a Palestinian state.  At some point, Israel and Bibi will have to realize that the U.S. will become irrelevant if enough of the world unite around the consensus that a State must be created for Palestine.  But clearly, they’re at the stage of magical thinking and haven’t yet faced up to the sober realities of their position.

There were a few faint yeses in his speech: yes to resuming the $90-million tax revenue transfer to the Palestinians and yes to returning some unspecified portions of West Bank territory to the Palestinians.  But the yeses in this presentation were vastly drowned out by the no’s.

If you combine Bibi’s No speech to Israel’s abysmal performance yesterday in murdering unarmed protesting civilians on three different borders and the response such mayhem generated on the world stage, momentum should continue building for declaration of a Palestinian state in the UN this September.  This is a train wreck rapidly approaching for the Israeli government.  One wonders whether they’ll just stand by and watch it happen; or whether there is some rabbit (like a U.S. full court press against the proposal) they anticipate pulling out of their hat to prevent what appears almost inevitable.

If there is a Palestinian state declared, the question becomes, what then?  Do the Palestinians and the UN have a game plan that will transform the Occupied Territories into a state of Palestine?  And is that plan viable and feasible?  I trust that the Palestinians and hopefully the EU and others (not the U.S. unfortunately) are pondering these questions now.  Because a Palestinian state in name only is a recipe for disaster regarding Palestinians expectations.

I’d suggest we should add a new nickname for the Israeli prime minister: Bibi “Why Bother” Netanyahu.

Goldberg-Ibish: Peace Process Not Lost, Bibi-Abbas Can Still Pull Iron Out of Fire

Wednesday, January 26th, 2011
mahmoud abbas

Abbas: 'I thought these were supposed to be my X-ray lenses allowing me to see through Bibi's bullshit'

Jeffrey Goldberg and Hussein Ibish published an absurd op-ed in today’s N.Y. Times touting the ‘radical’ idea that the peace process isn’t dead, just sleeping.  Given the release of the Palestine Papers over the past few days and their profound impact, signalling the entombment of the current process, they bring to mind two guys sitting on a lawn chair before Hurricane Katrina hit New Orleans, watching the streaming line of humanity fleeing the advancing storm.  When asked why they didn’t join in the flight they looked up at the sky and said: “Doesn’t look like rain to us.”  Their lawn chairs, without them in them were last seen floating just offshore in the Gulf of Mexico a few days after Katrina blew in.

Readers of this blog will know that I rag on Ethan “Eytan of Arabia” Bronner quite often here.  But Goldberg and Ibish are in a class by themselves. The sheer delusion and nonsense spouted in this column boggles the mind.  I would wonder at the editor who commissioned this piece if I didn’t recall that likely the same editor published similarly wishful nonsense by Benny Morris and others about the Israeli-Arab conflict.  It seems to be a requirement of the position that the op-ed editor periodically has to publish a few embarrassing pieces in order to satisfy the pro-Israel powers that be.

Personally, I wonder whether the idea of publishing this monstrosity came from the authors or the editors; or perhaps they were spurred to do it be some desperate souls in the State Department, Israel’s foreign affairs ministry, or PA headquarters in Ramallah begged them to.

The basic premise of the piece is this: we two moderate, sensible observers of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, one Palestinian, one Jewish, are saying to you that all is not lost.  That the two-state solution is not dead.  The two sides can still salvage this thing.  And now we’re gonna tell you why things are better than you think.  In reality (as in the actual peace process itself), the Goldberg-Ibish proposals tilt very heavily toward Israel and its interests.  Ibish, who is a strong Fatah man, gets very little from his Jewish interlocutor.  In fact, the article appears from its tone and frame of reference to be more the work of Goldberg, with a few concessions to Ibish and the Palestinian cause thrown in for good measure.

To get a real sense of the nonsense, I’ll quote the more egregious passages and then offer a response.  Get a load of this sunshine oratory:

…We have recently seen startling shifts in both Israeli and Palestinian attitudes on the need for compromise. The Palestinian Authority government, led by President Mahmoud Abbas and Prime Minister Salam Fayyad, two of the most conscientious and sober-minded leaders the Palestinian people have had, continues to push forward a remarkable state-building program, and has been innovative in working against violence and incitement.

These two guys have had three days to read the damning evidence exposed by the Palestine Papers (which interestingly they call “alleged diplomatic documents”) and yet they still attempt to palm off Abbas as “conscientious” and “sober-minded.”  What are they thinking (if anything)?  Have they been in a Tibetan monastery for the last three days cut off from their Blackberries and PCs?  Or more likely, are they like the little boy who doesn’t like what his mommy is saying, so they just put their hands over their ears and hum loudly so they don’t have to listen to what they don’t want to hear?

Interesting also, that they tout the PA’s “remarkable state-building program,” while ignoring the fact that there is no state, no likelihood that there will ever be a state, no inalienable territory that will comprise this state, no borders recognized for this state, and–given Tzipi Livni’s touting of contemporary Nakba as a solution to Palestinian “overpopulation” within the Green Line–not even a clear notion of what population will comprise this state.  So one might ask: what sort of state are they building?  Where will that state be?  Who will live there?  Who will run that state?  How will they run it?

Goldberg-Ibish reinforce that tired hoary meme that Bibi has done a remarkable turnabout in “embracing” the two state solution:

In Israel, the shift is also startling. Prime Minister Netanyahu — the leader of the Likud Party, which was previously the guardian of the ideology of territorial maximalism — has openly endorsed the creation of an independent Palestine. A majority of Knesset members plainly realize the necessity of a two-state solution. (Even Israel’s truculent foreign minister, Avigdor Lieberman, has said that he was “ready to quit my settlement home to make peace.”)

It’s rather laughable to claim that Likud was “previously” the guardian of territorial maximalist ideology.  Of course, it still is–in spades.  This passage ignores the fact that Bibi in one speech which was forced upon him by the Obama administration, spoke of the need for a two state solution.  But frankly, I don’t think I’ve ever heard him repeat himself on this subject (except in front of microphones and in the presence of the U.S. president) and he has done absolutely nothing since that vaunted speech to bring such a vision into reality.  Bibi supports the two state solution in the same way that the closet alcoholic swears to his loved ones that he’s sober as a judge.  In other words, he’d like to be sober and he knows that being sober is the healthiest way for him to live.  But he just can’t do it because deep down he’s an addict.  Neither the leopard nor the son of Ben Zion Netanyahu changes his spots.

This is, after all, the same man who in 1995 egged on a crowd that bayed for Yizhak Rabin’s blood shortly before his assassination.  A man who as a junior minister in 1987 publicly advocated expulsion of Israeli Arabs from Israel.  If you believe Bibi supports two states I have a bridge in Brooklyn and ocean front property in Florida to sell you.

Let the nonsense continue:

Mr. Netanyahu, in a quiet way, has also encouraged a greater normalization of life on the West Bank. On his watch, the overall pace of settlement growth has slowed, especially when compared with previous Labor Party-led governments during the years of the Oslo peace process. He allowed the Palestinian flag to be raised in his private residence during a formal meeting with Mr. Abbas, and now employs the diplomatic term “West Bank” instead of the biblical term “Judea and Samaria.” He has also condemned an initiative offered by a group of Orthodox rabbis that sought to forbid Jews from selling or renting homes to non-Jews.

Jeff Goldberg here is simply pimping for Bibi Netanyahu.  There’s no other proper way to describe it.  He’s been doing this for a long time in The Atlantic.  Now he brings it to the august pages of the Grey Lady.  Settlement growth has slowed?  With thousands of new units both being built and in the approval process, Goldberg has the chutzpah to try to pass this off as reasonable?  And Bibi raised a Palestinian flag and used the term “West Bank?”  Got news for ya Jeff.  This is known as a ‘gesture.’  Gestures aren’t meaningful unless accompanied by substance.  In this case, the gestures are devoid of meaning because there is no substance.  As for Bibi’s criticism of the rabbi’s letter…that and a few bucks will buy you a cappuccino at Starbucks.  I can show you 50 equally noxious racist acts or statements that Bibi ignored, including an editorial by three prominent religious nationalist rabbis calling for the creation of extermination camps for Palestinians.  What does this prove?  That Bibi all of a sudden has become an anti-racist?  Or a peace campaigner?  Or even a two-state advocate?

There are, in the column claims presented as established wisdom, which go unexamined.  Like this one:

…No peace treaty will end the conflict so long as Hamas is in power.

What proof do they offer?  None except to say that Hamas adheres to the “uncompromising” Muslim Brotherhood ideology, meaning peace can never be possible.  I guess that neither Ibish nor Goldberg read this week’s eye-opening profile of the contemporary Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt which presented the movement as extremely solicitous of the political establishment to the point of being disdained by the Young Turks who’d left the movement for its vacillation.  In other words, a statement regarding Hamas that may’ve held true in years past doesn’t necessarily hold true today.  Hamas has, in fact, publicly stated that it would allow the PLO to negotiate a peace deal with Israel and that it would accept such a deal if ratified in a national referendum.  That means that Goldberg is willfully falsifying the public record while presenting no evidence that his claim is correct.

Get this spin on the Palestine Papers, which note the almost Quisling-like collaboration between PA negotiators and Israel even in the assassination of Fatah’s own fighters in Gaza:

It is, in part, the high level of Palestinian security cooperation with Israel — involving intelligence sharing and on-the-ground measures — that has reduced violence so significantly.

Well, that’s one way of putting it.  But actually even this claim is false because Israel only cooperates with the PA to the extent that it can enforce Israel’s needs in the West Bank.  When Israel feels the need to go it alone, it simply busts into West Bank villages and cities and carries out security operations that often involve assassinations or even the killing of innocent Palestinians.  So in fact, Israel does what it wishes in the West Bank, the erstwhile home of this new Palestinian state which Goldibish claim Fatah is a-building.  Israeli forces ignore Palestinian sovereignty even in areas where Israel officially concedes that the PA is the sovereign authority.

Now let’s deal with the “galvanizing” steps Bibi could take to open Palestinian eyes to the beneficence of their Israeli neighbor.  I swear to you this is what Goldberg is claiming will flood Palestinian hearts with gratitude: allowing Palestinian security forces to develop “advanced counter-terror” capabilities.  And he has another remarkable suggestion: Bibi should actually allow the PA to rule territory that Israel itself has conceded it will control in a future peace settlement.  Wow, I stand humbled before the brilliance and self-evidence of this proposal.  That Goldberg should have the temerity to incorporate this into his column as something that would make Israel look like good guys to Palestinians is astonishing.

There are something like two, maybe three serious, even shocking points in this essay which actually criticize Israeli policy and attitudes.  They should be noted both in being fair (or as fair as possible) to the authors and in marking how even an Israel partisan like Goldberg can sometimes (though rarely) embrace surprisingly progressive positions.  Goldibish actually warn Bibi that his “economic peace” proposals for the West Bank are insufficient because they don’t address political dimensions of the conflict.  This point is actually so spot-on that I’m half-tempted to attribute it to Ibish rather than Goldberg.  But who knows where wisdom comes from these two?

Notable too is that the two seers also call for an attenuated (they call it “modified and limited,” whatever that means) settlement withdrawal:

…No Palestinian state will emerge on a West Bank blanketed with settlements…A modified and limited, but very public and systematic, withdrawal of settlers from remote or particularly confrontational settlements, especially from the so-called outposts that even Israel considers illegal, would have a powerful effect on Palestinian perceptions about Israel’s long-term intentions.

…We believe even a modest effort by Israel to reverse the pattern of settlement growth could strongly improve conditions for negotiations — and improve Israel’s sinking image.

So Goldibish would have us believe that Palestinians will shower Israel with rose petals if it would forcibly remove a few Hilltop Youth and their settlements, all the while building thousands of new housing units in East Jerusalem and environs?  As for Israel’s “sinking image,” it will take a lot more than cosmetic gestures to improve that.

In the following passage, the two begin with a remarkable (for Goldberg) admission that the theft of Palestinian land in East Jerusalem is inadmissible.  But they end on a note that is so weird and discordant as almost to wipe out the benefit of what they wrote first:

…The forced removal of Palestinians from their homes in East Jerusalem to make way for settlers simply cannot continue….Israel has no future as the occupier of Palestinians who don’t agree to be occupied. One hopes that Mr. Netanyahu shares that insight, although one must also recognize that politically he has every incentive to remain ambiguous.

What in heaven’s name does this mean?  In one breath you call on Bibi to recognize that Israel cannot be an occupier or thief of Palestinian land and in the very next one you say that it’s understandable that Bibi remains ambiguous on this score.  Why?  Even Ariel Sharon told the Israeli public that Israel had “conquered” the Territories, a term the far-right NEVER uses.  If the Israeli right’s patron saint can say it why can’t its junior pledge?

I think it’s awfully rich that Ibish, who is pro-Fatah through and through, actually signs onto an op-ed which criticizes a policy of the Fatah-led PA.  Not only that, but he criticizes davke a PA initiative that is one of the more promising it has attempted–securing recognition of an independent Palestinian state from other nations.  Ibish actually and astonishingly calls that a bad idea:

Things have been further complicated in recent weeks as several Latin American states have recognized the Palestinians and upgraded the diplomatic status of their missions. Many Israelis are discomfited by this. The P.L.O. should be as clear as possible that these efforts do not constitute an end-run around an American-brokered negotiated agreement, but are an adjunct to both negotiations and the state-building program.

Oh the poor, poor Israelis who’ve been ‘discomfited’ by other nations recognizing Palestine.  Doesn’t your heart just go out to them?  Actually, very few Israelis I know or have heard from are discomfited by this.  What Goldberg really means to say is that his buddy Bibi and the latter’s government has gotten its nose way bent out of joint by this.  It’s a big slap in the face to them.  You see, they thought they could stick it to the Palestinians and that the ol’ geezers would have no recourse but to grin and bear it.  Bibi didn’t reckon that there was still an ounce of fight in the old dogs in Ramallah.  And it irks the Israeli prime minister that he can’t get his way and stop this nonsense.

So someone tell me why these acts of recognition shouldn’t be an end run around the dead U.S. brokered peace negotiations?  Is there any sentient being besides these two who believes there even is such a process extant?

I think it’s mighty white of Goldberg to tell us what the Palestinians believe about any number of issues, including this one:

Palestinians understand, of course, that at the end of the day, their independence depends on one country, Israel, more than any other, since it is Israel that controls the land that would comprise their state.

You know, something tells me that the notion that the fate of Palestine or the Palestinian people depends on Israel may just be part of what got Palestinians into the mess that they’re in in the first place.  That’s why Palestinians and the rest of the peace movement are moving to alternate forms of resistance like BDS and the diplomatic recognition campaign.  Forms that don’t depend on Israel for anything.  Forms that demand that Israel change and impose penalties if it doesn’t.

You didn’t think we’d get out of this thing without the required denunciation of BDS did you?  What surprises me (but only a bit) is that a Palestinian would actually attack BDS.  But I guess this tells you something about Hussein Ibish and his bona fides:

THERE are…Palestinian initiatives that are completely counterproductive. Continued threats to unilaterally declare independence are pointless and provocative. Support for boycotts against all Israeli products and companies also serve only to convince Israel and its supporters that the Palestinians seek its elimination.

You almost want to give Goldberg credit for embracing at least one small part of BDS with the following statement, until you realize that it’s formulated in such a way that Goldberg actually doesn’t have to embrace what he appears to embrace:

It is understandable that Palestinians are supporting boycotts of products made in settlements, however, since the settlements are illegitimate and must not be legitimized.

In other words, this sophistry allows Goldberg to say that he understands Palestinians who resort to settlement boycott, but he doesn’t himself.  How’s that for weaseling?

The touching conclusion of this bi-national manifesto calls for a “softening of hearts.”  I really had to take out a handkerchief and dab my eyes it was so moving:

The other step is even more difficult to achieve, because it requires the softening of hearts…

Imagine, then, what would happen if Mahmoud Abbas were to visit Israel and tell Israelis he acknowledges that they have national and historical rights on the land between the Jordan and the Mediterranean Sea, and that he understands their suffering. And imagine what would happen if Benjamin Netanyahu were to visit Ramallah, acknowledge Palestinian suffering and also Palestinian national and historical rights, particularly to a country of their own, on their native land.

Parse this carefully now.  He’s expecting Abbas to go to Israel and tell Israelis that they have the right to realize the Betar dream of a Zionist state between the Jordan and the Sea.  Note that Goldberg doesn’t say here that Abbas should recognize Israel’s right to exist within the Green Line or 1967 borders, but within the expanded Greater Israel borders of the Jordan to the Mediterranean.  Why again (sorry for invoking the deity twice in this post) in heaven’s name would any Palestinian leader endorse the views of Jabotinskyian Revisionism?

Again, the fact that a Palestinian-American who supposedly supports Palestinian national rights would sign on to such an articulation boggles the mind.  But I don’t pretend to understand what may be going on in Hussein Ibish’s mind.

Finally, note what Goldberg asks Bibi to do: he would go to Palestine and tell the natives he’s mighty sorry for their suffering, but that if they expect any relief they’ll have to get it from the other guy, and not him.  In other words, no mention of Nakba (God forbid).  No mention of Return.  Yes, you guys suffered.  And here’s what we Israelis are prepared to do for you: drumroll please…You go live with Abbas over there and leave us alone.

Again, that’s mighty white of him.  But somehow I have a sneaking suspicion it ain’t gonna mollify anyone.  So there you have it.  What passes for wisdom from the greatest Palestinian and pro-Israel minds the NY Times op-ed page can muster.

Palestine Papers: Herzl Suggested Jews Resettle in Uganda, Condi Suggested Palestinians to Argentina

Tuesday, January 25th, 2011
condi rice

Condi: Israel will accept the return of this many Palestinian refugees--the rest...to Argentina

I swear, the longer I watch this Israeli-Palestinian conflict the more the nutty ideas of the past impose themselves on the present.  Many Zionists don’t know or admit that Herzl had no particular romantic affinity for Palestine as the homeland of the Jews.  He thought it could just as easily be Uganda and wrote as much.  Fortunately for him (not so fortunately for Palestinians though), more traditional Jewish Zionists persuaded him that only the real Zion would do as the future homeland.

Now comes word that Condi Rice played a similar card in U.S. negotiations with the Palestinians:

Condoleezza Rice, secretary of state under George Bush, suggested in 2008 Palestinian refugees could be resettled in South America. “Maybe we will be able to find countries that can contribute in kind,” she said. “Chile, Argentina, etc.”

The only thing I can say on Condi’s behalf is that at least her boss was elected (sorta).  What’s Abbas’ excuse?  He’s a leader without a mandate.  Where does he get off accepting the shameful compromise of accepting a total to 10,000 Palestinian refugees resettled in Israel over a ten-year period?  Even the Geneva Initiative foresaw a larger number than that.  Where do they get the unmitigated gall to think that this would be acceptable to the Palestinians?  How did they ever think they could sell this?  Did they think that the U.S. showering Palestinians with billions would assuage the sting of giving up virtually their entire national dream?

Astonishingly, the Palestine Papers also show that Mahmoud Abbas himself accepted the Israeli narrative on the Right of Return:

“On numbers of refugees, it is illogical to ask Israel to take 5 million, or indeed 1 million. That would mean the end of Israel.”

“The end of Israel.”  The very mantra of Bibi Netanyahu in dissing ROR.  And what business should it be of Abbas as erstwhile leader of Palestine to be concerned primarily with the welfare of Israel?  If Israel could take in a million Russian Jews in a short period, it can take in a few hundred thousand (and not a million as Abbas imagines) Palestinian refugees who might insist on returning to Israel over generous financial compensation for their suffering and resettlement within Palestine proper.  This guy has his priorities screwed up and has forgotten, if he ever knew, who he represents.

It is not surprising that during negotiations Israel did everything possible to deny any responsibility for Palestinian refugees (the Nakba of course wasn’t mentioned).  But the utter sophistry of the arguments and the enthusiasm with which even the Bush flunkies advanced them in addition to the Israelis, is shocking.

I find it laughable that the Fatah goons have attacked and taken over Al Jazeera’s Ramallah studio.  Attack the messenger why don’t you instead of the real bane of your existence.  It wasn’t Al Jazeerah who sold out the Palestinian patrimony.  It was their own “leaders.”  If they want to to see the real enemy, take a look in the mirror.

The rogues’ gallery unfortunately now must include Tzipi Livni who, in discussing the issue of the expulsion as a violation of international law said the following pearl:

Livni told Palestinian negotiators in 2007 that she was against international law and insisted that it could not be included in terms of reference for the talks: “I was the minister of justice”, she said. “But I am against law – international law in particular.”

…She made clear that what might have seemed to be a joke was meant…seriously by using the point to argue against international law as one of the terms of reference for the talks and insisting that “Palestinians don’t really need international law”.

Where else but in Israel (and perhaps Zimbabwe and a few other despotic states) could you have a justice minister express overt disdain for the law?

Further, as I wrote yesterday, Livni specifically advanced Avigdor Lieberman’s proposal to forcibly redraw the international boundary so that Israeli Palestinian villages would be expelled from Israel and annexed to Palestine.  Those Israeli citizens expelled from Israel would naturally have no recourse and not be consulted about the forced transfer.  This is refined Kahanism for which Livni should (but won’t be) ashamed.  She can deny it all she wants but the papers don’t lie.

As I wrote yesterday, liberal Zionists have long had a romance with Tzippi as the anti-Bibi.  They believed when she left Likud at Sharon’s behest that she had somehow shed her Irgun family legacy.  They hoped she might turn out to be as pragmatic as Ariel Sharon appeared to become just before his death.  How wrong they were.  And this should lay those illusions to rest.

Even George Mitchell, who I’d preferred to see as the good guy in the Obama administration compared to the blantantly pro-Israel Dennis Ross, conveyed to the Palestinians that Obama was reneging on a major Bush era pledge to the Palestinians.  Condi Rice had affirmed that any agreement would use 1967 borders as a basis for any proposed land swaps.  Mitchell told Erekat that the new administration felt bound by nothing agreed to by Bush, even something as elemental as 1967 borders.

In fact, the lead Palestinian negotiator threatened to tell Israeli TV that its audience should feel proud of its leader’s outmaneuvering of both Abbas and Obama:

Erekat: I am planning to go on Israeli channel 10 to say one thing: congratulations Mr. Netanyahu. You defeated President Obama. You defeated Abu Mazen… if it’s my word against theirs in your Congress and your Senate, I know I do not stand a chance.

In this particular case, Erekat is precisely right.  And Obama has allowed Bibi to make him and Abbas look the fool.  It’s shameful really that it’s come to this due to Obama’s futile policy.  But it has.

The NY Times’ Eytan of Arabia (Ethan Bronner) has weighed in from the Delphic heights with his ‘penetrating analysis,’ as always favorable to Israel.  But frankly I’m shocked that Bernard Avishai, known as a probing critic of the Occupation and Israeli policy, has proven so tone deaf about this particular issue:

“They [the Palestine Papers] focus on Palestinian concessions without presenting the other side of the negotiations. The Palestinians were going to get a great deal for their concessions.

Yes, they were going to get a Bantustan shorn of all land settled by Israel in Jerusalem post-67 short of Har Homa.  The only major West Bank settlement Israel planned to abandon was Kiryat Arba.  Israel would get Maaleh Adumim, French Hill, Gilo, Ramat Shlomo, even parts of Sheikh Jarrah (see proposed map).  Israel planned to ‘console’ the Palestinians for their loss of this land by “bequeathing” them Israeli Palestinian villages whose citizens never wanted to be expelled from Israel in the first place.  It would’ve been a game of three-card Monte.  What was the PA going to get for their trouble?  What major concessions?  A state?  Yes, but what kind of state?  A truly independent state able to function on its own with contiguous territory?  Not so much.

Daniel Gordis and the Transferists Among Us

Saturday, November 20th, 2010
daniel gordis

Rabbi Dr. Daniel Gordis, senior vice president of Likudist Shalem Center

Daniel Gordis has yichus.  He comes from the American Jewish élite.  He is a scion of the Gordis family which produced the seminal scholars, David and Robert Gordis, both major figures in Conservative Judaism (David was my Talmud teacher at Jewish Theological Seminary and someone I respected a great deal).  Daniel eventually made aliya and has gone from a centrist political outlook to Likudist over the years.  He is now a senior vice president at the Shelly Adelson-financed, Bibiphile, Shalem Center, where his colleagues are Natan Sharansky and (until he was named Israel’s ambassador to the U.S.) Michael Oren.  It is safe to say that Daniel has politically gone off the family reservation.  He is now a full-fledged Likudist apparatchik with a rabbinical degree.

Because of his Conservative pedigree he has a ready-made American Jewish audience and is a regular on the Jewish speaker circuit at synagogues, Jewish federations and the like.  His writing plays on a reputation for centrism and moderation by making it appear that his views are the height of reason and common sense.  Not so fast.

My friend Jerry Haber has written a critique of Gordis’ latest book, Saving Israel.  The book flirts with the notion that forced transfer of Israel’s Palestinian citizens may be necessary to preserve its Jewish majority and the notion of Jewish self-determination.

Jerry notes that Gordis begins chapter six of his book with this quotation:

Israel cannot be defined as a democratic state.  The only way to make Israel a democratic state is to eliminate its Jewish character.

The Future Vision of Palestinian Arabs in Israel, National Committee of the Heads of the Arab Local Authorities in Israel

There is only one problem.  While the first sentence is in the document (page 9), the second isn’t.  I’ve both browsed through the entire paper and done searches on every phrase in the second sentence and it isn’t there.  So either Gordis confused his sources and has misattributed this quotation or else he’s fabricated it.

I would never claim there are no Palestinians who believe Israel must eliminate its Jewish character to become a democratic state.  But the point is that the document and organization behind this document didn’t publish the words that Gordis put in their mouth.  And in fact, if he’d actually read the entire document he’d realize that considering other arguments that are in the document which call on Israel to recognize the religious rights of the minority, that it would make no sense for them to demand the elimination of the religious rights of the Jewish majority.

What this document does demand is that Israel deny superior rights to Jews in the state it envisions.  There is a huge difference between this and eliminating Israel’s Jewish character entirely.  Only the farthest of the far-left anti-Zionist movement demands this and Gordis has done a deep disservice to Adalah in claiming what he has.  He owes it an explanation and an apology unless he can explain what he did and why.

Menachem Klein of Bar Ilan University argues in his new book, The Shift, that efforts like Gordis’ are part and parcel of an:

Expansion of the conflict to include also the Israeli Palestinians [along with] the misreading of their vision documents by the current Jewish majority.

So what Gordis has possibly done is to engage in a political and intellectual fraud, but it is one that isn’t his alone.  But rather it is part of a deliberate distortion of the actual views of Israeli Palestinian nationalists.  The Shabak, in its campaigns to persecute Israeli Palestinian leaders like Ameer Makhoul, also fabricates a nationalist position that calls for the destruction of Israel, which is not at all what Adalah or Balad believe.

The sixth chapter of Gordis’ book also recounts in that way that ideologues have of tailoring their memories to suit their political agendas, his two years of study at Baltimore’s Episcopalian Gilman School.  He was irked as a Jewish student that the entire student body said the Lord’s Prayer every morning.  He uses this as an allegory for contemporary Israel in which he compares Palestinian Israelis to the well-tolerated Jewish students at Gilman.  His point is that no Jew should’ve expected to be fully accepted or integrated into Gilman because it was a school based in a religious tradition (much as Israel is allegedly).  Any Jew who chafed at this situation had a right to leave (as Gordis did after two years).  In other words, you can’t change a religious institution from within if you’re of a different religious tradition than the founders.  If you don’t like it you should leave.

Jerry Haber, who was a student at Gilman earlier, also notes that Jews were compelled to attend religious instruction an even more onerous requirement that Gordis doesn’t even mention.  But unlike Gordis, Haber stayed in touch with friends at Gilman and the School itself and watched its remarkable progress in ridding itself of some of the more offensive Christo-centric customs.  It did this because it genuinely wanted to welcome Jews as equal partners in the School.  You won’t see any of this in Gordis’ book because it is distinctly “off message.”

Gordis wants to posit an Israel that has a right to be Judeo-centric and a right to accord superior rights to Jewish citizens.  That is how he even flirts with the Kahanist transferist program advocated by Avigdor Lieberman and the Israeli far-right.  That a mainstream American Jewish rabbi should be speaking about transfer as if it is an unfortunate, but necessary concept that may be necessary to preserve Israel as a Jewish state indicates how far to the right Israel discourse has gone both in the U.S. and Israel.  This rabbi, who speaks favorably of the notion of forcibly expelling hundreds of thousands of Israeli citizens from their homeland, is toying with Jewish fascism.  But you wouldn’t know it by the generous accolades on his book cover from the likes of Cynthia Ozick and Natan Sharansky.

Here is some of Gordis’ writing on transfer:

Therefore, despite the great pain, these potentially agonizing solutions to an undeniable problem have to be raised… Those who seek to restore purpose to Israeli life will have to decide how to preserve Israel’s Jewish majority. For it is that majority that enables Israel to serve as such a beacon of hope for Jews. That, in turn, invariably will entail more than rhetoric. It will require abandoning the pretense that Israel is just like other countries, the charade that claims that Israel can deal with its minorities precisely as other democracies do…If Israelis genuinely believe in that purpose, they will then have to be willing to discuss what they are actually willing to do to protect the existence of the state that has saved the Jewish people.

First, it should be noted that Israel has not lost its Jewish majority and if it completes the negotiation of a Palestinian state soon, this eventuality may not happen for decades.  Second, where is it written that the only way in which Israel can be a beacon of hope to Jews is if there is a Jewish majority there?  Why can’t Israel be a beacon of hope to Jews no matter how many Jews live there as long as there is a strong, protected, vibrant Jewish life there?

Most important here is Gordis riding willingly down that slippery slope from democracy to ethnocracy and worse.  In Gordis’ view Israelis and Jews are naïve if they believe that country can be a democracy as other western nations are.  The Likudist rabbi does seem to believe that somehow Israel will still be a democracy, just one that is “different” that others democracies like the U.S. which treat their minorities on an egalitarian basis.

So, Gordis asks, what ARE you willing to do to protect the superior rights of Jews in Israel?  Transfer?  Not out of the question according to Gordis.  Though Daniel Gordis was never as far left as Benny Morris once was, it seems to me that you’re watching in Gordis the gradual transformation of a plain vanilla American Zionist into a politicized Likudist hack.  One with great yichus and a rabbinical degree to boot.  What a great catch for Shalem!

In all of Gordis’s discussions of Israeli Palestinians there is one glaring omission that topples his whole argument like a house of cards.  Israeli Palestinians are indigenous to Israel.  As Haber notes in his own critique, they preceded Gordis and Haber who are both immigrants.  The Palestinians were there before the ancestors of most current Israeli Jews arrived.  So their tie to the land is deep and inalienable.  Gordis writes about Palestinian citizens of Israel as if they are a nuisance to be tolerated or dealt with.  Read this sample:

The differences between the plights of Israeli Arabs and Palestinian refugees is more an accident of history in 1948 than anything else [!].  Some fled, some stayed, but those who stayed did not do so out of Zionist convictions [!].  They either hoped that Arab forces would derail  the newly formed Zionist state, or thought they could better protect their property by staying.

You will read nothing in that passage or anything Gordis has written about Israeli Palestinians that acknowledges their indigenous rights.  For Gordis, there seems to be no such right at least as far as the territory on which Israel is situated stands.  I suppose he believes that Jews maintain some sort of historical bond with Israel that precedes even the relatively recent Palestinian bond.  But the truth is that I can’t trace my lineage back to ancient Israel in any way that is meaningful to me especially in the sense of feeling an ownership of the land of Israel.

Haber eloquently summarizes the Israeli Palestinian claim to being an equal partner with the nation’s Jewish citizens:

What is particularly striking about [Gordis'] account…is the utter failure to understand why most Israeli Arabs refuse to leave Israel: Their motivation is crystal clear from their writings and their statements: This land, and this state, are their homes in three ways: As natives, it is their home in a way never can be for Rabbi Gordis and myself, who were born and lived much of our lives outside of Israel.  As members of the Palestinian people, with the consciousness of having a common history and identity, this land is their homeland. And finally as Israeli citizens, it is most assuredly their homeland. For despite the best efforts of ethnic nationalists on both sides, there has evolved an Israeli identity shared by native-born Israelis, whether Jew, Arab, and immigrant children of foreign workers.

With all due respect to Rabbi Gordis, neither he nor I can ever be as Israeli as Ahmed Tibi, Emile Habibi, or Azmi Bishara. We are immigrants; they are not. Because it is their home, they want, like ethnic minorities everywhere, to participate in the governance of the state. And the more Israel defines itself as a Jewish ethnic state, the greater and more legitimate their claim for national rights and power-sharing, like ethnic minorities in multi-ethnic societies everywhere.

If Daniel Gordis wants to argue that the only way of saving Israel as he envisions it is to rid the nation of its Palestinian minority that’s a position he’s entitled to.  But he’s no longer entitled to call himself a centrist or mainstream Zionist.  He is a far right nationalist like all of his new friends at Shalem and in the Likud.  Let no American Jewish institution that books his make the mistake that they will hear from an eminently reasonable, common-sensical Israeli-American Zionist.  They will hear from someone wants his audience to think of him that way.  But he’s long gone from the liberal Zionist center where his uncles David and Robert would doubtless would feel much more comfortable.

Voice of Israel: Hamas Accepts Palestinian State Within 1967 Borders

Tuesday, September 21st, 2010

The next time you read Ethan Bronner and he mentions the world “Hamas” with the required accompaniment, “which seeks the destruction of Israel” or some such nonsense, remember this report from Haaretz:

The Hamas militant group announced Monday that it had previously told the United States it would accept the establishment of a Palestinian state along the 1967 borders, according to Israel Radio.

Citing the organization’s semi-annual report, Israel Radio said that Hamas had also asked the U.S. administration to open dialogue. The militant group said in its report that it had passed that message along via American academics and politicians visiting the Gaza Strip.

Hamas also said that it had asked Washington to lift the veto it had imposed on reconciliation efforts between the militant group and its rival, Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas’ Fatah faction.

What is especially interesting about this is that Hamas is putting the onus on the U.S. claiming that it is the one preventing Fatah from entering into talks on political reconciliation.  If so, this once again shows the bankruptcy of Obama administration policy concerning Hamas.  By going “all in” on Abbas and Fayyad, the U.S. has refused to recognize a player who cannot be ignored: Hamas.

I am not arguing that Hamas should be given veto power in any negotiation.  I am arguing that Hamas much be dealt with in a deft way which Obama has shown no capacity or inclination to do.

An Arab newspaper (via Google Translation) quoted this passage from the report which contains a very interesting new opening by Hamas:

There is no opposition to the idea of a Palestinian state in 1967 borders and Jerusalem as its capital in order to achieve security for the Palestinian people and the return of refugees and compensation for their suffering and the release of all prisoners within the prisons…

While I don’t pretend to be an expert on Hamas, the italicized clause seems to be a new development in Hamas’ thinking about the Right of Return.  This formulation is quite close to that of the Geneva Initiative, which calls for the Right of Return to be realized through a hybrid implementation: the physical return of a pre-agreed number of refugees to Israel proper and compensation paid to those who choose not to return.

Now, as for the Habarists who dredge up the Hamas covenant in order to rebut any glimmer of pragmatism within Hamas, I’ll take a semi-annual report written in 2010 over a document written by an anonymous scribe in 1988 in terms of telling me the current thinking of this movement.  By the way, this isn’t the first time senior Hamas officials have said this as you can see from the results of this Google search.

Netanyahu Proposes Israeli Expatriates Vote

Monday, February 8th, 2010

Lieberman, democrat in wolf's clothing

I wanted to be conservative in my choice of blog title, but Dimi Reider really said it as it should be: Netanyahu invites the refugees to vote.  Here is how Ynetnews portrays the story:

PM: We’ll let Israelis vote abroad

Netanyahu tells Likud faction his government plans to submit bill allowing every Israeli citizen to vote for Knesset from anywhere worldwide. ‘It will contribute to the connection and to Israel’s strength,’ he says.

As Dimi correctly notes, this is another subterfuge to reinforce the strength of the Israeli Jewish vote in the demographic battle with the Israeli Palestinian minority. It could also impact a decision to incorporate large portions of occupied territory with Palestinian population into Israel proper (like the area between the Wall and the Green Line.  Avigdor Lieberman, whose idea this is, has also proposed ridding Israel of some of its Arab minority by declaring some of their territory de facto part of a new Palestinian state, while granting Israel the right to annex large portions of the Territories that contain settlers.  This is yet another example of how the Kahanist right has inserted its far-right ideology into the political mainstream.  I call it “transfer-lite.”  The beauty of the voting proposal is Yvette can characterize it as a democratic reform that gives all Israeli citizens the right to a voice in their country’s affairs.  It’s quite a coup for those who really are anything but democrats.

But as Reider points out, they are playing with fire.  Because just as Israeli “refugees” may be allowed to vote in domestic elections, so too will Israeli Palestinian refugees apply for the same privileges.  The fact that they were expelled from Israel and so denied their right to Israeli citizenship, which was granted to all their remaining fellow Israeli Palestinians, will likely not hold up in a legal setting.  If the Israeli Supreme Court denies these individuals citizenship, then surely an International Court will find against Israel.  Then the Palestinian refugees will assert their legitimate right.

Taken to its most extreme, the coalition could propose that even Diaspora Jews should take Israeli citizenship and vote in elections.  Maybe they can even expedite it by having online applications: become an Israeli citizen from the comfort of your own home!

Similarly, settler extremists who are trying to render East Jerusalem Arab-rein by expropriating Arab property with the claim that it once belonged to Jews, are playing with fire.  It will only be a very short matter of time before Palestinian refugee families expelled from their homes in Katamon, Rehavya, and Talpiot will lodge claims in Israeli or international courts for recognition of their deeds.  What will the radical rightists do then?  Will they argue that Jewish deeds are valid while Arab deeds aren’t?  Well, if they had their druthers they’d merely say that Jews have such rights while Palestinians don’t.  That anti-democratic approach might play well in their circles and even among the majority of Israelis, but it won’t play in Peoria, that is the rest of the world.

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Finkelstein to Invoke Law of Return if Israel Refuses Entry

Friday, July 11th, 2008

In an otherwise disdainful and painfully partisan profile of Norman Finkelstein written by Jewish Week reporter Stewart Ain, Norman Finkelstein reveals that he plans to meet with Israeli consular officials in September to get an undertaking from them that he will be allowed to enter Israel should he attempt to do so (he was recently deported by Israel due to his outspoken criticism of its policies):

Finkelstein is preparing for what may be his biggest fight, albeit one he doesn’t relish. He plans to go to the Israeli Consulate in New York in September to seek an assurance that he will be admitted in December. Such assurance, he said, would allow all concerned to “avoid the spectacle of me applying under the Law of Return [which gives every Jew the automatic right to acquire Israeli citizenship]. … It’s hard to see which side will find that more ridiculous.

“I don’t incite riots,” he continued. “I’m just going to see a friend in the occupied Palestinian territories. I’m not there to see Israel. I do not need for every facet of my life to be politicized. If Israeli authorities would just grant me a visa, I’ll move on.”

Finkelstein said he hopes to visit a Palestinian, Musa Abu Hashhash, who lives with his wife and children near Hebron. They first met in 1988 when Finkelstein went to Israel with a delegation from the Arab-American Anti-Discrimination Committee and Finkelstein dedicated one of his books to the man, who works for B’Tselem, an Israeli human rights group.  He stressed that his visit to Israel would be a “private” affair and that he had “no interest in turning this into a political issue. … I don’t think they can deny me, and I don’t want to turn it into a test case for the Israeli High Court.”

If they refuse, and Finkelstein invokes the Law of Return and takes Israeli citizenship, it would no longer be possible to prevent him from visiting the country. I just wonder whether the IDF, in a fit of pique, will call him up for miluim (reserve duty). Then you’d have the added spectacle of the Israel critic refusing to serve and then being jailed as a seruvnik (refuser). Of course, all of this is doubtful since I don’t believe the army calls you for duty unless you’re physically in the country; and as someone who never served in any army I can’t see that he’d be much use to the IDF, even as a mere reservist.  But I’d never underestimate the willingness of the IDF and intelligence establishment to punish its critics.

There would be a delicious irony here: the Shin Bet attempts to make Finkelstein persona non grata in punishment for his outspokenness against Israeli policy toward the Arabs.  Finkelstein then one-ups them by becoming an Israeli citizen, a prospect that’s got to fill them with revulsion.  So which is worse: allowing Finkelstein to visit his friend in the West Bank unfettered?  Or standing on sordid principle and forcing your worst nightmare to become one of you?

Returning to the issue of Ain’s antagonism for his subject.  Let’s take but a single sentence out of an entire diatribe concealed as a piece of journalism:

No more loyal students, no more lectures to prepare, no more radio debates with his arch-enemy, Alan Dershowitz, no more national spotlight; Finkelstein is the man no one wants, and perhaps for good reason.

Just because Finkelstein doesn’t currently teach doesn’t mean he has no “loyal students.”  In fact, he has thousands of students he has taught who feel tremendous loyalty to him.  And while he may have no more college lectures to prepare, Finkelstein continues to lecture around the country.  In fact, he just spoke here in Seattle at the University of Washington Hillel.

It is yet another presumptuous statement to claim Finkelstein “has no more national spotlight” since his books are as relevant and as quoted as ever.  He continues to be an important part of the Jewish discourse on all the subjects about which he’s written including the Holocaust and Israel.

If Finkelstein is the “man no one wants,” then why did Ain want to interview him?  Why did a documentary filmmaker spend several years making American Radical about the former college professor; a film which promises to make a big splash when it is released.  The very statement is ludicrous.

I find it demeaning that Ain would ask Finkelstein whether, in his inability to secure college teaching work, he considered becoming a high school teacher; and it is unconscionable that Ain repeated the scurrilous Dershowitz charge that Finkelstein’s mother, an Auschwitz survivor, was a kapo.  How can Ain or his editors countenance such calumnies?  Did the reporter not research the collaboration charge by visiting Finkelstein’s website to see the powerful rebuttal he wrote?  And if he had, how could he possibly have found asking such a question to be in good taste?

Reading the profile I felt deeply embarrassed for Finkelstein that he should be treated so shabbily by the Jewish press.  This is yet another example of the parochialism and partisan nature of Jewish communal journalism in the face of controversial subjects related to Israel.

Olmert Talks of ’67 Borders and Sharing Jerusalem, Sort Of

Wednesday, January 2nd, 2008

Well, I’ll be. Ehud Olmert may be becoming a realist in his old age (politically speaking that is). He’s even telling the neocon Jerusalem Post that Israel needs to start thinking seriously about returning to 1967 borders and dividing Jerusalem. What a change from Sharon, his one-time mentor, who sputtered endlessly about “the Holy city, Israel’s eternal, undivided capital.”

…The prime minister said many rival Israeli political parties remain “detached from the reality” that requires Israel to compromise “on parts of Eretz Yisrael” in order to maintain its Jewish, democratic nature.If Israel “will have to deal with a reality of one state for two peoples,” he said, this “could bring about the end of the existence of Israel as a Jewish state. That is a danger one cannot deny; it exists, and is even realistic.”

…”What will be if we don’t want to separate?” he asked rhetorically. “Will we live eternally in a confused reality where 50 percent of the population or more are residents but not equal citizens who have the right to vote like us? My job as prime minister, more than anything else, is to ensure that doesn’t happen.”

The reality in which Israel was seeking an accommodation, he elaborated, includes a situation in which even “the world that is friendly to Israel… that really supports Israel, when it speaks of the future, it speaks of Israel in terms of the ’67 borders. It speaks of the division of Jerusalem.”

But don’t get too excited if you thought Olmert was changing his spots. He still believes that Israel’s biggest settlement expansion, the one which will doom a future Palestinian state and virtually cut it off from Jerusalem, Maaleh Adumim, is entirely within the spirit of a peace agreement.

At the same time, he made clear that he did not envisage a permanent accord along the ’67 lines, describing Ma’aleh Adumim as an “indivisible” part of Jerusalem and Israel.

…Olmert said he considered Ma’aleh Adumim to be “an indivisible part of Jerusalem and the State of Israel. I don’t think when people are talking about settlements they are talking about Ma’aleh Adumim.”

So if I understand him accurately, then most of Israel’s pragmatic friends foresee an agreement along the 67 borders. But he, despite being an Israeli realist, sees something different and somehow thinks that Israel’s “friends” will go along with his vision. Why?? Will they accept less than half a loaf simply because he tells them that’s all the Palestinians can rightfully expect?

I believe Olmert also makes a fateful blunder when he attempts to read Abbas’ mind regarding the Right of Return:

Olmert stressed that he would never accept a Palestinian “right of return” to Israel.

He said he was convinced, too, that Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas “has made the choice in his heart” between clinging to the “myth of the ‘right of return’” and the opportunity to establish a Palestinian state where all Palestinians, refugees included, would live.

“My impression is that he wants peace with Israel, and accepts Israel as Israel defines itself,” Olmert said. “If you ask him to say that he sees Israel as a Jewish state, he will not say that. But if you ask me whether in his soul he accepts Israel, as Israel defines itself, I think he does. That is not insignificant. It is perhaps not enough, but it is not insignificant.”

Isn’t it always interesting when one enemy becomes foolish enough to read into the other’s heart sentiments he wishes the other held, but doesn’t necessarily. That makes for potential huge levels of frustration and delusion. If Olmert thinks that Abbas has given up on the Right of Return he’s a total idiot. And I know that Olmert is not an idiot. This is a certain amount of public pandering for the Israeli voter. Olmert knows, I think, that he’s going to have to give on this issue and hopefully he is prepared to engage it in some serious way even if he’s not prepared to grant Palestinians everything they wish on this score. If not, then Olmert is just wasting everybody’s time.

It’s also laughable that the devoutly secular Olmert sees the “hand of God” in the line-up of leaders who are supportive of Israeli interests on the world stage:

Indeed, said the prime minister, there was currently an almost divinely ordained constellation of key personalities on the international stage favorably disposed to Israel, creating comfortable conditions for negotiations that might never be replicated.

“It’s a coincidence that is almost ‘the hand of God,’” Olmert said, “that Bush is president of the United States, that Nicolas Sarkozy is the president of France, that Angela Merkel is the chancellor of Germany, that Gordon Brown is the prime minister of England and that the special envoy to the Middle East is Tony Blair.”

The imperative, he said, was to make every effort for progress while this array of supportive characters remained in place.

“What possible combination,” he asked, “could be more comfortable for the State of Israel?”

Why don’t we just leave God out of this?  Hasn’t this sort of thing gotten us into enough trouble in the Middle East?  And a lot of good “God’s hand” will do him if he doesn’t produce. Having all those pro-Israel figures pushing Israel’s agenda won’t be worth a damn unless he offers the Palestinians something they can accept. Most Israeli leaders labor under the delusion that if they can wrap a U.S. president around their little finger that they can pretend to be interested in peace while doing nothing to achieve it (Sharon was like this in many ways except for the Gaza disengagement). I understand the above quotation in that context and it doesn’t bode well.

But as I said, I see Olmert as an opportunistic realist. I think he does want to make peace with the Palestinians though I’m not sure he has sufficient vision and fortitude to get there. But it is entirely possible he does. And I wish him well, though with no small amount of doubt in my mind about whether he can.