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Mohammad Said Kalash, "Offering Reconciliation" exhibit (photo: Ilan Amihai)

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from documentary, Promises

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Posts Tagged ‘right-of-return’

Occupy Wall Street Stifled Solidarity With Gaza Flotilla After Dan Sieradski Query

Saturday, November 12th, 2011

At first I thought this issue was much ado about very little, but the various ways in which Dan Sieradski, co-founder of Occupy Judaism, has attempted to deflate or deflect the controversy he started, and the disingenuousness of the arguments he’s used to defend his actions, have made it a very important one.  As the Gaza flotilla boats were steaming toward Palestine, someone tweeted on the @OWS Twitter feed:

“We support and would like to express #solidarity to #FreedomWaves #Palestine #ows”.

According to Sieradski, he then either tweeted or asked a member of the OWS General Assembly to look into the tweet.  Though he protests loudly that the subsequent deletion of the tweet was not his doing, he clearly disagreed with the tweet and believed it would be harmful to OWS, as his subsequent statements have confirmed.  Methinks he doth protest too much.

The one thing I detest more than anything else in progressive politics is litmus tests.  The Jewish community has litmus tests coming out the yazoo.  Reference Jonathan Tobin’s smug comment at a GA panel dealing ironically with the subject of “civility in Israel discourse” in the community, that “everyone” agrees that Jewish Voice for Peace is not a legitimate part of the debate.

What Sieradski has done to the Occupy Wall Street movement is introduce a litmus test regarding Israel-Palestine designed to pre-empt criticism of the protest by the mainstream Jewish community.  In tweet after tweet and in interviews he’s repeatedly said that the Gaza flotilla was a dangerous issue for OWS and that embracing it would leave the latter open to attack by the Jewish right.  Sieradski’s presumption is that OWS must do everything in its power to avoid criticism by the Jewish right-wing even if that means stifling political speech.  Here he speaks to Mondoweiss about the controversy:

…The tweet was immediately picked up by the Republican Jewish Coalition and the Jewish Internet Defense Force, among others, and began making its rounds about the net.

The ramifications I imagine begin with a mountain of press attacking OWS as being anti-Israel and pro-terrorism. Whereas beating back false charges of antisemitism was easy because the movement is not antisemitic, were the movement to embrace an explicitly pro-Palestinian agenda, it would be impossible to counter charges that the movement is anti-Israel.

Why is support for the Gaza flotilla “pro-Palestinian,” but not “pro-Israel?”  And what does it say about Sieradski’s approach that Israeli Palestinians have joined such flotillas?  Are they anti-Israel for doing so?  And if they are, how does he justify claiming he supports equal rights for Israeli Palestinians?  Hey, if someone wants to call Occupy Wall Street “anti-Israel” for supporting the flotilla that’s a fight I’m glad to join.  Those are terms worth fighting for.

He further argues:

No matter how much we as individuals may reject such a framing, supporting the breaking of the Gaza blockade will surely be labeled as enabling the flow of arms into Gaza…

Well, sure it will be “labeled” as such by Commentary and the RJC, but isn’t that a fight we should be prepared for?  Why should we be afraid of this?  If the Jewish far right wants to argue that breaking an illegal siege against the 1.5 million civilians of Gaza equals promoting terrorism, I’ll take those odds and join the fray.

Objectively, there are scores of ways to ensure no weapons or arms enter Gaza, that could be used to promote terror against Israel.  Besides, currently WITH the siege Gaza militants get all the weapons they need to attack Israel.  How does the Gaza siege have any impact against terror?  It doesn’t.

This statement by Sieradski really gets me hot under the collar:

…We all know that mainstream media does not handle nuance well when it comes to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

So because it may be hard for OWS to explain to obtuse media reporters why it published a single tweet supporting the Flotilla, that means it should avoid the issue like the plague?  What is the purpose of our political activism?  Is it to take the easy, safe way to advance our goals or take the just and right way, even if it makes our lives a bit more difficult?

He claims that Occupy Boston’s march on the Israeli consulate has “even” made it into the Israeli press.  What is wrong with that?  And even if the Israeli press is attuned only to claims of anti-Semitism within the movement and misunderstands the motives, isn’t that grounds for intensifying our own pressure and outreach on the Israeli media to get the story right?  Hell, that’s what I do every day in this blog and in my research for the posts I write.  I yell and scream whenever Israeli reporters get issues wrong.  A lot of them don’t like me for it.  But I’ve got their grudging, if not respect, then at least attention.  That’s how the OWS movement needs to approach this issue.  We’ve got to fight for our values, not calibrate how we can avoid criticism or controversy.  Sieradski has this all wrong.

Sieradski proceeds to claim that the OWS tweet in effect forced the movement to “pick sides.”  I presume the sides he’s talking about are Israel and Palestine.  But how in God’s name does a tweet supporting Freedom Waves indicate you’ve taken a position against Israel?  I support Israel AND the Gaza flotilla.  I dare anyone to argue that doing the latter causes you reject Israel (as opposed to Israeli policy)?  You can see how Sieradski has quickly ditched his progressive values and gotten himself stuck in a thorn-bush from which it’s very hard to extricate oneself.

If Andrew Breitbart, the Republican Jewish Coalition, Commentary and others would attempt to make hay out of this–gei gesunt.  They’re welcome.  Aren’t we big boys and girls enough to respond in kind and defend ourselves?  Sieradski even argues we should back off the issue because these extremists will “make hay” out of the fact that OWS “supports terror.”  Hey that’s what these people DO.  It doesn’t mean you back off your values because you’re going to have to get into the ring with a bunch of bullies and fight back against a little pummeling from them.  I’m willing to take my stand on an issue like this.  And a principled one it would be.  Supporting the Gaza flotilla should in no way harm OWS.  It is in no way anti-Israel or anti-Zionist.

Sieradski has even called those supporting Freedom Waves “fringe extremists” trying to “take over an economic movement.”  This despite the fact that he claims to oppose the Gaza siege.  It makes absolutely no sense.  So either Sieradski is a liberal Zionist schizophrenic or there’s some sort of personal animus between him and those supporting the Flotilla that explains his inexplicable hostility to a tweet that seems politically kosher to me.

Speaking of schizophrenia, try to parse the contradictions in this statement:

 I personally am very troubled by efforts to focus this movement on opposing the Israeli occupation.

Which is not to say that I support the Israeli occupation or the violation of Palestinian rights, or that I believe Palestinians and their issues should be excluded from this movement.

On the one hand he says he’s troubled by a tweet that focuses OWS on opposing the Israeli Occupation.  On the other hand he says Palestinians and “their issues” (aren’t their issues also Israeli issues?) shouldn’t be excluded from OWS.  I can’t think of a more disjointed, confused statement than that.

In another passage from his Mondoweiss interview he, in a typically disjointed way, ends up supporting U.S. military aid to Israel because it provides jobs to American workers:

U.S. military aid to Israel…supports the defense manufacturing sector, putting money in the pockets of working class Americans that, in turn, re-enters our economy.

When he gets himself into such hot water I almost feel sorry for him.  He’s clearly in over his head when he both opposes and supports the military aid in the same sentence.  But again, if you don’t have well-thought out, consistent views on a subject, then don’t take it on as your major issue and make yourself look foolish.

Sieradski even gets a dig in against Jewish Voice for Peace, one of the most courageous of American Jewish peace groups on the Israeli-Palestinian issue.  He sniffs at the attempt to equate the “occupy” in OWS with the Occupation:

I fear JVP’s recent call to “Occupy the Occupiers” is just one such example of this moving in a direction that could have negative consequences for the Jewish community and its involvement in OWS.

I’m sorry Dan, but if OWS has to tiptoe around issues because YOU say it’s bad to take a stand on them, then what good is the overall movement it represents?  I’m personally sick and tired of the Shah Shtill types who hold their finger to their lips as if you’ll wake the baby if you talk about Israel-Palestine.  We’re all grown ups here.  This isn’t going to cause an apocalypse that will wipe out the world as we know it.  It’s just an issue of elementary justice of interest to many American progressives.

In a bid for complete disclosure, I’m not a fan of Sieradski nor he of me.  In fact, he recently weighed in support of the pro-Israel hasbarist Adam Holland, by calling me a “douchebag.”  And yes, you tend not to forget such dyspeptic comments.  So some may take my criticism as personally motivated.  But it’s not.  As I wrote above, I intended NOT to write about this until I saw the disingenuous explanations he began offering for his actions.  That’s what motivated me to speak out.

There’s a strange thing that happens with some Jews, even those like Sieradski who call themselves “progressive.”  They’re rad when it comes to any other issue but Israel.  But the latter gives them conniptions.  What’s strange about Sieradski is that he does hold progressive views even on issues related to the Occupation and Palestinian rights.  But the make or break issue for him is Nakba and Right of Return.

He holds the odd belief that if Israel accepts ROR it will mean the destruction of Israel. He even tweeted that it would mean “creating 7 million new [Israeli] refugees.”  I’ve got news for Dan.  You can have the “right” views on every issue, but if you don’t understand the implication of rejecting ROR for your progressive value system, then you’re headed into trouble.  Your values are at war and you have further contemplation in order to bring them into alignment.  Until then, you’re being false to yourself, to Israel and especially to Palestinians.

Sieradski would protest that he is progressive in every way.  He supports equal rights for Israeli Palestinians in Israel.  He opposes the Occupation, the Wall, the Gaza siege.  But still there’s that remaining thorny issue of Nakba.  The Original Sin of Israel.  You can’t hope to be a truly consistent progressive when you’re AWOL on Nakba and ROR.

What’s deeply ironic about all of this is that if Sieradski in his pro-Israel paranoia hadn’t stuck his nose into this, there would’ve been a single tweet supporting Freedom Waves and that would’ve been the end of it.  No pro-Palestinian activist would’ve attempted to hijack the movement, as Sieradski fears.  Everyone would’ve gone on their way supporting their various political causes whether they be OWS or Palestinian rights.  But as a result of his foolishness HE has made this issue the sine qua non of OWS.  HE has made it a defining moment by which Jews must choose to defend a deracinated OWS or reject it because it has rendered the Palestinians as superfluous to their really important goals.

In truth, what Dan Sieradski is doing is intensifying friction and tension among the various political constituencies within OWS.  It’s his kind of litmus-test politics that strains such coalitions to the breaking point.  I know because I’ve participated in Jewish political groups (among them New Jewish Agenda) riven by such factionalism around the issue of Israel and Zionism.  Though he may not have intended it, Sieradski has made OWS less pliable, less flexible, less open, and less tolerant.  And that bodes ill for it in the long-term.

Another irony characterising Sieradski’s Jewish activism is that he applied for and received a grant from the Schusterman Foundation, which wholly funds Aipac’s campus Israel advocacy program.  The Foundation also funds former Aipac stooge, Mitchell Bard’s American-Israel Cooperative Enterprise (AICE) .  It brings Israeli scholars to U.S. campuses to teach Israel Studies courses often from a decidedly pro-Israel vantage.  One of the faculty it funded was deemed so partisan in her George Washington University classroom presentations that her own students criticized her and she turned tail and left the school.

To be clear, I’m happy for Sieradski to receive funding from the Jewish community for his projects.  But Schusterman?  Why?  Sorry, but this is hypocrisy.  It allows the Foundation to point at the Jewish media guru as its token liberal Jewish grantee, a form of Zio-washing.  Not to mention that taking money from a foundation providing huge levels of funding to Aipac should be a red-flag for any prospective grant recipient who professes progressive values.

Contrary to what Dan Sieradski may believe, his work and his views are not so significant that they need to be held up to a mirror and parsed for meanings and contradictions.  The reason I’ve written this post is because the contradictions inherent in his Israel-Zionist world-view afflict so many American Jews and Israelis and cripple them in addressing these issues as forthrightly as they should.

A final word: I’m not criticizing Sieradski because he’s a Zionist or because he supports Israel, because I do as well.  I’m criticizing him because his views are so contradictory that he does a deep disservice to truly progressive values on these issues.

Edward Said and Martin Buber: the Real Story

Tuesday, November 1st, 2011
10 brenner street jerusalem

10 Brenner Street, Said family home in Jerusalem (credit: Duckrabbit blog)

A few days ago I published a story about the relationship between the Said family and Martin Buber based on an account offered by Uri Davis and a caption for an image of Buber’s home on a Flickr account, both of which repeated the false information that the home at 3 Hovevey Zion had belonged both to the Said family and to Martin Buber.  Prof. Joseph Agassi, husband of Martin Buber’s granddaughter, Judith Buber Agassi, has set me straight.

Martin Buber did live in an apartment in the home of Boutrous Said at 10 Brenner Street in Jerusalem from 1938-1942.  On its return from Egypt and at the end of  apartment lease, the family sought to reclaim the apartment.  There was a legal dispute and Buber was forced to leave.  He moved to the Dajani home in Talbiyeh in 1942 and lived there until 1947.  During mounting hostilities, the Jerusalem Anglican Bishop insisted on taking Buber and his wife away from the “flying bullets.”  They moved to a pension on Ibn Ezra Street in Rehavia.  After the war, they purchased the home at 3 Hovevey Zion after Buber determined that the previous owner had “returned to Turkey.”  They lived there for the remainder of their lives.

My apology for the errors I’ve repeated.  Others apparently have their own ideological, political axes to grind.

I’m glad to report that Buber appears to have acted righteously and that other sources seem to have ulterior motives in spreading stories that aren’t accurate.  I should also note that Edward Said spoke quite favorably of the politics of Martin Buber and the Brit Shalom movement he helped found:

“During the inter-war period, a small but important group of Jewish thinkers (Judah Magnes, Buber, Arendt and others) argued and agitated for a binational state. The logic of Zionism naturally overwhelmed their efforts, but the idea is alive today here and there among Jewish and Arab individuals frustrated with the evident insufficiencies and depredations of the present. The essence of that vision is coexistence and sharing in ways that require an innovative, daring and theoretical willingness to get beyond the arid stalemate of assertion and rejection. Once the initial acknowledgment of the other as an equal is made, I believe the way forward becomes not only possible but attractive.”

10 brenner street

International Christian Embassy, Jerusalem, former Said family home

I also have to report a depressing historical irony: Prof. Buber’s home at 3 Hovevey Zion is now owned by Michael Steinhardt, the chief funder of the Birthright program, a devout Jewish neocon and pro-Israel apologist.  I could hardly think of a more depressing decline in the intellectual and moral value of the historical occupants of this property than this one.

I do have a historical question for any readers with further information: if anyone has any information on the owner who preceded the Bubers at Hovevey Zion, I’d be very interested to know who they were and something of their history before and after they lived in the home.  If anyone has pictures of the Bubers and the Brenner Street house that they can share I’d be grateful.

Saree Makdisi, whose mother lived in the Said family home at 10 Brenner Street, informs me that Menachem Begin “gave” it to the International Christian Embassy in the 1980s.  He understands (and I haven’t been able to confirm this) the original home was torn down, which would explain why this picture differs from the other one displayed here.  It is indeed yet another cruel irony that the Said’s were dispossessed and the Israeli leader responsible for the other even more violent acts of dispossession like the Deir Yassin massacre, “gifted” its home to Christian Zionists who’ve become handmaidens of the Israeli nationalist enterprise.

Thanks to Ran Greenstein, readers of this blog, and Prof. Agassi for help in unraveling the particulars of the story.

Buber May’ve Gotten House, But Said’s Family Will Have Last Laugh

Saturday, October 29th, 2011
buber said house jerusalem

Said-Buber house, Jerusalem (ForestforTrees)

CORRECTION: After subsequent research, I’ve discovered it’s likely that Uri Davis’ story below is false.  I’ve found no corroboration for it and the Buber family denies that it happened.  No member of the Said family with whom I corresponded verified it either.  There was a dispute between the family and Prof. Buber and court action did force him to leave a different home at 10 Brenner Street, which the family owned.  Buber then moved elsewhere in Jerusalem, eventually living in this home (pictured) on Hovevey Zion.

I would however be curious to discover what happened to the previous owner of that house  who, I’m told by the Buber family, “returned to Turkey” during the 1948 War.

Read my updated version of the Buber-Said story here.

*  *

In a typically meandering, almost pointless argument with a Twitter member fraudulently appropriating the moniker “Buberzionist,” I did derive one benefit.  I learned about the historical dispute between Martin Buber and Edward Said’s family pre-1948, when Buber was a tenant in the Saids’ gorgeous Jerusalem home.  According to Uri Davis, Buber and Said had an argument, Buber stopped paying rent and Said took him to a British Mandatory court, where Buber lost his case.

Davis writes of his Buber’s final interaction with Said:

At the door, after returning the keys to Edward Said’s father, Buber turned round and said: “Mr Said, you just wait. I will be back.”

Before the War, the fighting forced the Saids to flee their home and go into exile in Egypt.  Afterwards, true to his word, Buber returned and lived in the home for the rest of his life.

But the story doesn’t end there though Buber, who should’ve been a better student of world history, might’ve thought it did.  The Saids will have the last laugh when the Israeli-Palestinian conflict ends and they return to their home once more.  Of course, I don’t know if they even want to.  It might be more appropriate to turn it into a museum dedicated to the displacement of Jerusalem’s Arab residents in 1948.  The disposition should be up to the Saids.

It’s ironic that the street on which the home stands should be called in Hebrew, Hovevey Tzion (“lovers of Zion”).  The tragedy is that those who loved Zion like Buber would appropriate the property of those who preceded him in Israel, thereby stealing their legacy and suppressing it.

If readers have additional sources than Davis regarding the Said-Buber incident/history please let me know.

Israel: Nation for All Its Citizens

Sunday, August 28th, 2011

NOTE: This essay was first published at Israel Reconsidered.  It was a response to a post written by Larry Derfner defending Israel as a Jewish state.  Since a number of readers have recently sharply criticized my views concerning Zionism, I thought it might be helpful to republish this here.

I do not favor a Jewish state as defined by classical Zionism, in which Jews have superior rights to other citizens of Israel.  I am in favor of a state in which Judaism and Jews have all the rights guaranteed to citizens of other religions and ethnicities.  In other words, Israel should be a state that respects the traditions and history of its Jewish citizens.  A state which is a homeland for Jews, but also a homeland for its Palestinian citizens.  It should be a state with a constitution that guarantees rights to both majority and minority groups, whether they be Jewish or Muslim.  This would most emphatically not be a state which erases its Jewish character.  However, it is a state which would equally celebrate its Muslim or Christian character and protect them respectively.

If Israel is exclusively a Jewish state then it cannot be a democracy.  It can be an ethnocracy in which the Jewish minority has rights that trump the minority.  But this is only a partial, or truncated democracy.  Not a democracy as you or I know it.

There are a number of states in the world that qualify as democratic and which negotiate (some more successfully than others) complicated relationships among various ethnic groups: Canada, Switzerland, Ireland, Spain, the U.S.  So it can be done.  And Israel should be examining these models to secure its own future as a truly democratic state.

But there are countries which are not democratic, which have failed miserably at resolving these problems: Rwanda, Serbia, Russia, China, Syria.  Does Israel want to end up like them?  A basket case among multi-ethnic nations in which discrimination is rampant, in which racism and the original sin of expulsion (Nakba) are in the nation’s DNA?

In the Israel I envision, every group would have guaranteed rights so there would be no reason for Palestinian citizens to avoid military service.  Why would there be the problem that Larry Derfner foresees of Israeli Palestinians being asked to shoot and kill Arab citizens of frontline states with which Israel has hostile relations?  In fact, if Israel became the sort of state I envision it would go a long way to tempering hostility from all of these frontline states.  It would make a large contribution toward resolving the overall conflict among Israel and its neighbors.

In fact, Jewish and Muslim citizens would have an equal stake in the nation and its welfare.  What would result from all of this is a state that was not primarily Jewish (or Muslim or Christian) but Israeli.  What Israel needs to highlight is not the religious character of the majority group, but an overall national character, one that can be embraced by Jews, Muslims and Christians.  Personally, I think Derfner is dead wrong in claiming Israeli Palestinians can never become “truly Israeli.”  In fact the very statement troubles me a great deal.  In fact, every opinion poll of Israeli Palestinian opinion shows their deep loyalty to the state and their sense of investment in it.  I think he is selling his fellow citizens short.  Way short.

In fact, I think Derfner postulates a vague, unpersuasive, mystical sense of Arab solidarity that most Israeli Palestinians do not share.  Unfortunately, it is all too common for non-Arabs to wax eloquent about the nature of this Arab brotherhood and why it renders Israel’s non-Jewish citizens forever alien from Israeliness.  He postulates Israelis who believe more strongly in a vague sense of Arabness, than in the reality of their own Israeli nationality.  I don’t know many people who prefer the ephemeral when they’re given a chance to grasp something real that they live with every day.  Sorry Larry, I don’t buy it.

Besides, this view that Israeli Palestinians are more loyal to their Arabness than their Israeliness closely tracks the dual loyalty canard that American Jews have suffered.  If we Jews can be loyal to our nation AND our religion, then there is no reason why Israeli Palestinians cannot do the same.

There are a few provisions of the current Israel that will need to be amended for it to resolve the current contradictions between being a Jewish state and a democracy.  The Law of Return, granting any Jew anywhere in the world the right to instantaneously become a citizen of Israel must be changed so that Jews have a right to emigrate that is regulated as immigration is regulated by other nations.  If Israel wishes to give Jews preferential treatment in offering citizenship it should do so as long as it offers similar preference to the refugees of 1948 and their immediate offspring.

Doing this will allow Israel to embrace the spirit of the Law of Return and the Right of Return, but in amended form.  It would force Israeli Jews and Arabs to recognize some of their rights, while partially constraining them as well for the sake of greater good of the nation.

Anti-Semitism is a historical reality that is part of our Jewish DNA.  But it is not a reason to disenfranchise 1-million Israeli citizens and deny them equal rights.  Besides, Jewish suffering, should it occur again, can be relieved even by a modified Law of Return.  Jews who need an emergency haven should be given it.  But direct descendants of Israeli Palestinian refugees who face similar jeopardy should also receive favored treatment.

Larry, for me it just doesn’t cut it morally or, frankly Jewishly to say that the “inconvenience” suffered by the Israeli minority from Zionism is less than the suffering of Jews from European anti-Semitism.  That’s a zero sum game.  Israel as a country needs to be measured not by how it compares to the experience of European Jewry.  It needs to be compared to how it treats all its citizens and how close it comes to realizing truly democratic values.  It can never truly do that in the system you advocate.

Further, I want to take this discussion in a direction Larry didn’t. As a Diaspora Jew, I have thought long and hard about the proper relation between Israel and Diaspora.  In classical Zionism, Israel is all and Diaspora nothing.  The latter is little more than the source of Jews who will populate and fund the Jewish state.  In the long run, Diaspora will, like the bourgeoisie in Marxist doctrine, wither and die.  This is a notion I reject.  Israel should play a major role in world Jewish identity.  But Diaspora cannot be denied either.  Zionism does this at its peril for I believe that an Israel without Diaspora is doomed, just as a Diaspora without Israel is, if not doomed, then deeply impoverished.  Yes to Zionism (as I’ve reimagined it), but yes to Diasporism as well.

If Israel becomes the kind of state I propose, then it will take its rightful place as an address, but not the address, in the Jewish world.  An Israel in which Jews play an important role, but a primary role, will allow world Jewry to understand that they are full partners in the Jewish experiment, and not an after thought or something to be ridiculed or denied (zilzul ha-Galut).

Palestinian Entrepreneur Key to Hamas-Fatah Unity Deal, Talks Tough in Maariv Interview

Sunday, June 12th, 2011
munib al masri

Munib al-Masri, Palestinian entrepreneur instrumental in orchestrating Hamas-Fatah reconciliation, stands before his Venetian-style villa on Mt. Gerizim (Reuven Castro)

Robert Fisk has penned a major story about billionaire businessman Munib al-Masri, the wealthiest Palestinian perhaps in the Middle East, who played a key role in bringing together Hamas and Fatah for the unity deal which they signed last month in Egypt.  What’s especially interesting about this is that al-Masri provides his gloss on the meaning of the agreement for Israeli-Palestinian relations, and he reveals just how many separate power centers, nations and political-intelligence operatives were consulted to make the deal happen.

When you finish reading this (most of you anyway) will want to tip your hat to a man who pulled off one of the greatest deals of the past decade, at least, in Palestinian politics.  He did all this from a base he himself created called the Palestine Forum, a group of distinguished Palestinian independents interested in bridging the gaps between the two warring parties.  The Forum worked intensively and diligently for four years to bring this about.  Partially through its own creativity and perseverance, partially through the parties coming to realize that an agreement lay in their own interest, and perhaps most important of all due to the propitious events of the Arab Spring which worked in their favor–they created a Palestinian political miracle.

The following is part of the conversation with Khaled Meshal that preceded the final acceptance of the agreement:

We told him the government has to be of national unity — on the agreement that we would be able to carry out elections and lift the embargo on Gaza and reconstruct Gaza, that we have to abide by international law, by the UN Charter and UN resolutions…He agreed that resistance must only be ‘in the national interest of the country’ – it would have to be ‘aqlaqi’ – ethical. There would be no more rocket attacks on civilians. In other words, no more rocket attacks from Gaza.”…Hamas agreed on the 1967 border, effectively acknowledging Israel’s existence, and to the reference to the ‘resistance.’

Then al-Masri summarizes his own understanding of the agreement, and the reason why it finessed the question of Hamas participation in a government by appointing a transitional one that would not include Fatah or Hamas affiliated members:

If Hamas was in the government, it would have to recognise the State of Israel. But if they were not, they would not recognise anything. “It’s not fair to say ‘Hamas must do the following’, Masri says…”As long as they are not in the Palestinian government, Hamas are just a political party and can say anything they want. So America should be prepared to see Hamas agreeing on the formation of the government. That government will abide by UN resolutions – and international law. It’s got to be mutual. Both sides realised they might miss the boat of the Arab spring. It wasn’t me who did this – it was a compilation of many efforts. If it was not for Egypt and the willingness of the two Palestinian groups, this would not have happened.” In the aftermath of the agreement, Hamas and Abbas’ loyalists agreed to stop arresting members of each side.

1967 borders means that Hamas is accepting Israel and the ‘resistance’ initiative means an end to Gaza rockets on Israel. International law and UN resolutions mean peace can be completed and a Palestinian state brought into being.

Ben Caspit has written his own Hebrew version of this article, which includes a searing interview with the Palestine businessman and supporter of the Palestinian national movement.  I find this  interesting, because Caspit is a generally a supporter of Israel’s far right.  It’s hard for me to understand Caspit’s interest in profiling the Fatah-Hamas unity deal in a positive light given the Israeli government’s absolutely allergic reaction to it.  But hey, perhaps Caspit’s changing his tune politically or his intelligence sources are finding more to like in the deal than we realize.  Whatever the reason, it is a positive development that Caspit is conveying to his readers the thoughts of a major Palestinian figure who explains that Hamas, while not necessarily Israel’s friend, is not the demon it’s made out to be by Bibi & Co.  This is an important message for Israelis to here.

But al-Masri was not kind or diplomatic in his words.  When Caspi asked why Israelis should believe there can be peace with Palestinians when they had just entered into an agreement with a movement sworn to destroy Israel, al-Masri replied:

This is foolishness.  You disappoint me every time anew.  You’re simply unwilling to listen to the other side, only to yourselves.  You go to Washington and persuade members of Congress, make a big show of it, instead of quieting down and listening.  If you really listened to Khaled Meshal’s speech at the reconciliation ceremony in Egypt you would’ve heard three fundamental principles. These are the three principles which we worked on with Hamas and for which we achieved recognition.

Hamas agreed to the 67 lines as a basis for a settlement.  It gave Abu Mazen the credit [if he succeeds] and opportunity to continue the peace process.  And Hamas agreed that resistance could only happen in a national context [as part of a process worked out among the parties].  No longer would every armed group carry out its own military attacks.

These are three enormous achievements.  Similarly, they agreed to stop rocket fire from Gaza.  So tell me, what’s so bad about this for starters?  Why do you have to respond in a panic as you have done?

Hasn’t the time come for you to understand what Palestinians want?  They want something simple.  The 22% of the territory of Palestine about which we’ve agreed to compromise [67 borders].  What was agreed in Oslo.  Our share of Jerusalem [East Jerusalem].  The creation of two states in harmony and friendship.  Palestinians want to end the Occupation.  Believe me that I’m realistic and know what I’m talking about.  This isn’t propaganda.  These are facts.

You talk about peace.  But you don’t really want peace.  Look, almost every one of your senior intelligence officials when the leave their positions all of a sudden become men of peace.  I ask myself: why doesn’t this happen when they’re still serving?  And what happens to them when they come into government [that they oppose peace]?

Caspit continues with a bit of sophistry in questioning al-Masri, claiming that Israelis have learned to believe Arabs when they say the “unpleasant things” they do against Israel,  and that these words are not a basis of negotiation but of continuing war.  To which the Palestinian replies:

Not true.  You see what’s convenient for you to see.  You tell me what’s wrong with the Palestinian people uniting in one leadership?  It’s good for us and good for you and good for the peace process.  How can it be since the split between Hamas and Fatah, that you can claim it’s impossible to negotiate with Palestinians since you don’t know who you should be talking with, and suddenly when we do unite you say [to Fatah]: “It’s either them or us.”

You have a lot of nerve.  We united in order to show that there was a real Palestinian partner, that there is a real chance for peace.  And after we achieve such monumental things, you respond by disseminating such twisted facts.

…You simply cannot create a Palestinian state without such a unity deal.  So we united.  And what do you do?  Shut the door instead of pouncing on the opportunity.

Among the other interesting things revealed in Caspit’s story is that al-Masri’s grandson, who was named after him, was severely wounded by an IDF bullet in the Nakba Day protests along the border with Southern Lebanon.    He dropped everything and flew to Beirut to sit by his bedside.  Though he’d lost many friends to the Intifada and other military operations, the injury to his grandson was especially hard because the latter represented to him the future.  The boy had been 15-20 meters inside Lebanese territory when he took a sniper’s bullet in the back.  He lost a kidney and his spleen, his spinal cord is severed.  He lost a great deal of blood.  He took a dum-dum bullet which caused grave damage.

Caspit is so tone-deaf that he asks al-Masri why a boy who has everything in life including great wealth would take part in an assault on the Israeli fence.  To which the long-time supporter of the Palestinian national resistance replies:

Because he is a member of a generation which does not forget.  Golda and Ben Gurion, your leaders, said that the old would die and the young forget and so the problem of the refugees would be solved.  But the young haven’t forgotten.  He’s already the third generation.  And he still wants to return to his homeland.  He still dreams about it.  You don’t understand this.  You think that if you refuse to acknowledge it, it will go away.  But it won’t.  It’s a problem that must be solved.

Caspit asks, again cluelessly, whether the boy regrets what he did.  To which the grandfather says:

No, he plans to return along with his friends.  They will not give up.

…You cannot force people to give up their aspirations to return to their homes.  It’s a natural wish.  You also cannot dodge the moral and human problem resulting from the creation of the State of Israel and its decision to come [to this region].  The only way to solve this is the sit down and talk.  The 2002 Arab peace initiative is a good basis to start.  But to my sadness, you Israelis are boors.  You don’t want to hear about such things.  You only want to think your distorted thoughts which aren’t based on real recognition of us, but rather on narrow-mindedness, boorishness and prejudice.

What are you afraid of?  The Arab Initiative says the refugee problem has to be resolved in a way that is just and mutually agreed.  That means that you will have to agree to the solution as well [or it won't work].  But Bibi first must recognize that there is a problem.  And he must say to himself: it was caused because of our actions.  And we have a moral and national obligation [to solve it].  First admit that you have a problem, and then we can talk about solving it with the help of all the nations, even the Arab world, all of us together…

I am sure that we can come up with a solution acceptable to the refugess and to you.  But it’s necessary to be creative and flexible.  It is possible.  Why not try?

Caspit, again naïvely, asks why then the Palestinians won’t return to the negotiating table when Bibi has called upon them to do so many times.  Al-Masri responds:

Bibi first tells us “No.” Count the number of rejections in his Washington speech: No to 67 borders, no to Jerusalem, no to refugees.  No, no, no.  You want to talk and in the meantime you continue to build.  Since Rabin’s murder do you know how many houses you built in the Territories and in Jerusalem?  And you want us to sit back and clap our hands?  It’s not fair.  You are pigs.  You want to swallow everything, eat the entire cake, and then you want peace as well.  You have quite a healthy appetite.  You on the one hand want peace and on the other want to continue what you’ve been doing.

…If you don’t stop, you’ll turn into South Africa.  It will go in the direction of a single state.  You’ll regret you didn’t accept Nelson Mandela.  You’ll long for a two state solution.  Why don’t you see this?

When the Maariv reporter asks whether al-Masri doesn’t think Israel has a right to fear the consequences of paying the price for peace given its history, the Palestinian says:

No, you have a Shoah mentality.  Leave the ghetto.  God Almighty, enough already.  You talk about the price of peace?  What about us?  We’ve lost the right to 78% of our lands.  Most of our people live as refugees in other lands.  And you want to talk about the price YOU pay?

The entire interview is worth reading.  I’ve translated most of it, but the man is so smart, so sensible and Caspit is so damn, well you heard the man, boorish.  It’s a perfect exemplar of the mess we face.  But at least you’ll read the ideas of a Palestinian who see clearly and is far-sighted.  Would that there was an Israeli leader who saw as clearly.

Caspit also notes that al-Masri may be a candidate for a major position in the transitional government since he is not affiliated with either side directly and so would be eligible for participation.  At the age of 75, he may be willing to answer the call of his people to broker and ensure the success of this unity deal.

Derfner Blog Partnership Suspended

Friday, June 10th, 2011

A few months ago Larry Derfner came to me with an idea I thought was terrific: co-authoring a blog to debate the burning issues of the nature of Israeli society, Israeli democracy and modern Zionism; and to do this from a progressive perspective.  We’d tackle the big philosophical issues that don’t get addressed often in political blogs: Zionism vs. Diasporism; Nakba, Right of Return, Law of Return, Religion vs secularism in Israel, etc.  I was proud and flattered that Larry found me to be a worthy partner for this project.

We began the blog and for the first few weeks it went well, though I think perhaps I didn’t participate on a regular enough basis for Larry.

Then Larry suggested we debate the issue of Nakba and Right of Return.  He warned me that he didn’t agree that the 1948 War was a crucial moral failing of Israel (though he did feel that about 1967).  So I wrote the first post about why I felt Nakba was Israel’s Original Sin and why the Right of Return must be resolved along the lines proposed by the Geneva Accords, with a quota of Palestinian refugees permitted to return to Israel as citizens if they refused the generous compensation package offered to settle elsewhere.

Larry replied with a post I thought rather unfortunately titled, The Right of Return is Wrong.  I felt that this title attempted to be punchy at the cost of presenting the issue in a nuanced way.  Frankly, I thought poorly of Larry’s defense of Israel’s behavior in 1948 and his total dismissal of ROR and Israeli responsibility for Nakba.  In fact, I even used the term “cheap and unworthy” to describe one of Larry’s arguments.  He didn’t like that.  Thought it was insulting, uncivil and violated our agreement to debate the issues in a civil manner.

I told him that though I knew we disagreed about issues, I had no idea his approach to Nakba was going to be so dismissive and I replied in the only way I knew how.

As I watched the comment threads I saw that most of the commenters were either right wingers I’d banned here for violating comment rules or they were Larry’s readers from the Jerusalem Post.  Some of my friends and allies here like Deir Yassin and Leonid came over.  But 80% of the comments were hostile.  And I have a rule that if someone is hostile to me in debate I’m hostile in reply.  It ain’t pretty I admit and people I respect take me to task for it.  But it’s really the only way I know how to deal with provocateurs, trolls and intemperate right wing racists.

All of which made me realize that I couldn’t achieve the tone Larry wanted for the blog.  So we’ve agreed to part company.  It was a worthy experiment.  It’s unfortunate it couldn’t last longer.  But it’s better to recognize something isn’t going to work and end it gracefully, than allow it to drag on with both parties festering in resentment because the partner isn’t living up to his end of the bargain (I don’t see Larry that way, but I imagine he saw me that way or would have had we continued).

I now realize something neither of us took into account before we began.  We thought we should allow comments for the blog.  But in hindsight I think if two people are debating an issue you don’t really need comments.  You are your own commenter in a blog like this.  It probably would’ve taken some of the pressure off me if we’d stopped allowing comments and just debated amongst the two of us.

At any rate, my involvement with Israel Reconsidered is ended.  I hope Larry continues to use it as his online outlet and blogs there and creates the sort of online community for himself that I’ve tried to create here.  I wish him well.

I liked those posts I wrote at Israel Reconsidered so much that I intend to republish them here in the coming days.

‘Israel Reconsidered’ Debate on Nakba, Right of Return

Thursday, June 9th, 2011

Larry Derfner and I began our debate about the future of Israel and Zionism at Israel Reconsidered several weeks ago.  Just this week, we really got into it over Nakba and Right of Return.  Frankly, I was surprised at how little Larry was willing to “give” on both subjects since I consider him to be one of the most forthright and progressive of Israel’s English language newspaper columnists.  I got really exercised in my reply to him, Right of Return is ‘Right’ and a Right.

This is my first substantive foray into both of these subjects where I’ve put my thoughts down at length (never really did it here in this blog except in the comment threads).  So I hope you’ll take a look especially at that post.  You can access all the posts I’ve written at Israel Reconsidered here.

The latter blog is an experiment for both of us.  We didn’t know how it would turn out.  We have high regard for each other and usually agree politically.  And frankly, I didn’t even know that Larry essentially rejects the Right of Return.  When I read his last post it really brought me up short.  That’s why my reply was so passionate and perhaps even vituperative.  I’m eager for some readers here who haven’t weighed in on the comment threads there to do so.  Until now, the preponderance has been of the liberal Zionist stripe, which I find sometimes limiting both intellectually and politically.

Bibi at the White House: ‘I am the Leader of a Much Smaller People’

Saturday, May 21st, 2011


I don’t know whether Bibi was trying to tell the American people that Israelis had the pygmy gene in their DNA, but he had one of those awkward moments that doesn’t often happen to him, in which he said that while Pres. Obama led “a great people” he (Bibi) led “a much smaller people” allowing one to draw the implication that Israel was “not a great people.”  Obama rather graciously corrected Bibi’s flub by prompting him with the phrase “and a great people.”

Obama again, in remarks after their two-hour meeting, noted that Israel was a “Jewish state” making no reference to the fact that it was also composed of a significant minority of non-Jewish citizens.  It would be as if a foreign leader congratulated the U.S. for being a Christian nation.  It sure would make John Hagee happy.  But it wouldn’t make Rabbi David Saperstein happy (though he’d hypocritically be delighted with Obama’s characterization of Israel).

While the NY Times describes a frosty meeting in which the two disagreed fiercely on principles involved in peace negotiations with the Palestinians, Obama though did re-emphasize his solidarity with Israel concerning a prospective Iranian bomb.  But the U.S. president didn’t understand the irony of his claim that an Iranian nuclear weapon would destabilize the entire Middle East by setting off a nuclear arms race, when Israel has done precisely the same thing.  The fact that Israel has up to 400 nuclear weapons doesn’t seem to have entered into Obama’s thinking at all on that score.  Might it not be possible that at least one motivation of Iranian nuclear weapons development might be to counter the threat it perceives from Israel (and other hostile neighbors).

Obama desperately tried to find some common ground with a clearly disgruntled Netanyahu, so he brought up once again the red herring of Hamas’ alleged refusal to recognize the State of Israel while neglecting to mention that Bibi too refuses to recognize Palestine within 1967 borders. If you’re going to insist on Palestinians fulfilling pre-conditions for negotiations I see no reason why Israel shouldn’t as well. Obama also continued with the U.S. mantra that Hamas “is not a partner for a realistic peace process.” He refused to acknowledge the fact that not only Hamas, but Fatah as well sees Israel under Netanyahu as not a “realistic peace partner.” I recognize that the president had the Israeli prime minister sitting right next to him and it would’ve been hard to speak truth in that situation. But to be so divorced from reality is simply disappointing.

From the Times coverage of the meeting, it appears Israel-Palestine peace talks are dead–dead as a doornail. How else can you describe the peace process when Bibi says this:

For there to be peace Palestinians will have to accept a few facts as a basic reality…Israel cannot go back to the 1967 lines because these lines are indefensible. They don’t take into account demographic changes that have taken place over the past forty years…We’re going to have to have a long-term military presence along the Jordan Valley.

I found it almost surreal that Bibi was so desperate that he trotted out forty year-old Israeli talking points about the “nine-mile” strip that was Israel at its narrowest point, the so-called ‘Auschwitz borders’ so named by Abba Eban and lately taken up by Alan Dershowitz.

Netanyahu exploited the august venue of a presidential briefing to spread his noxious lies that Hamas is “the Palestinian version of Al Qaeda.”

The final “fact” that the Palestinians have to accept according to Bibi, is that the only Right of Return they will have is to a Palestinian state. What’s curious about this is that a Palestinian refugee who fled from a town or village within Israel will be deemed to have satisfied his right of return by settling in a country he never lived in and a town nowhere near the one he originally was expelled from. Why would a refugee from Ramleh or Jaffa want to ‘return’ to Ramallah or Nablus or Jericho? This may be resettlement, but it isn’t “return.” And Palestinians don’t merely want resettlement, they want recognition of the injustice committed against them through the Nakba.

In arguing against the Palestinian Right of Return, Bibi adds another lie to his presentation when he claims that Jews were “expelled from Arab lands in roughly the same number” as Palestinian refugees from Israel. First most Arab Jews, except in a few cases, weren’t “expelled” though many left feeling some sense of discrimination against them. And while it’s possible that 1-million Jews immigrated to Israel from Arab lands, they weren’t refugees driven from their countries in the same sense as the Palestinians were.

He brags that “tiny Israel” absorbed the Jewish refugees while the Arab states didn’t absorb the Palestinian refugees. Another case of historical blinders: Israel wanted these refugees to populate the “tiny” new state. In some cases, Israel actually fomented unrest through acts of anti-Jewish terror in Arab countries which stampeded Jews to leave for Israel. However, no Arab state needed or wanted Palestinians refugees, since the former believed they had been expelled unjustly. Why would an Arab country feel under any obligation to relieve Israel of the burden of guilt for this crime against its former Palestinian citizens?

The piece de la resistance of Bibi’s performance was when he said about the Right of Return:

That’s not gonna happen. Everybody knows it’s not gonna happen. And I think it’s time to tell the Palestinians forthrightly: it’s not gonna happen.

I definitely want to play that tape back for him in the coming years when precisely this outcome DOES happen. Let him put that in his pipe and smoke it.

So the question now is what next for U.S. policy. Will Obama allow it to go into the deep freeze as Bush did for eight years? And even if he wished to, will the momentum of the Arab Spring allow him to get away with such benign neglect?

On a separate matter, I thought it was quite illuminating that the Times for the first time has published an article that notes that Dennis Ross is Israel’s booster inside the White House. While the Times has covered Ross, it has never as explicitly portrayed his sympathies and acknowledged that he is not an honest broker, but Israel’s man. If American policy is a mess, a large part of the blame goes to Dennis Ross. That wasn’t in the article explicitly, but any well-informed person reading it would recognize that that was the implication that could and should be drawn. Ross has bested George Mitchell and Hillary Clinton in obstructing any American proposals that would challenge Israel overly much. He is the last man left standing. But what he stands over is an administration policy in shambles. And he deserves the credit for that. Will he get it though? I hope to God he will.

While there is a considerable amount of apt analysis in Roger Cohen’s account of Pres. Obama’s Mideast speech, I find this rejection of the September Palestinian campaign at the UN for statehood remarkably obtuse:

It represents a return to useless symbolism and the narrative of victimhood.

I find it offensive that a British Jew would condescend to Palestinians by telling them their quest for a vote on supporting statehood was not just ‘symbolism,’ but worse, part of a ‘narrative of victimhood.’ By what right does he talk about the victimhood of Palestinians? What suffering has he endured that makes him an expert on the strategy Palestinians should use to attain their dream of a state of their own? This leaves a bitter taste in my mouth.

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