Muslim and Jewish Women in Nazareth

'We can live in peace'...John Lennon (photo: Dafna Tal)

Mahzor

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Sarajevo haggadah

Antaea Darom

Israeli women's art

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Torah as music

Ben Heine

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ceramic bowl

Mohammad Said Kalash, "Offering Reconciliation" exhibit (photo: Ilan Amihai)

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Punch and Judy/Pinchas and Jamila

Avi Katz

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David Grossman

Ben Heine

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Eldrige Street shul

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Dove

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Two birds

Hoda Jamal

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Israeli and Palestinian boys

from documentary, Promises

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Maurice Sendak's Brundibar set

New Victory Theater (photo: Nan Melville/NYT)

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Daniel Barenboim, West-Eastern Divan Orchestra

Palestinian-Israeli musical ensemble (photo: Kerstin Joensson/AP)

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Great Day on Eldrige Street

N.Y.'s klezmer greats celebrate shul rededication (photo: Leo Sorel)

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Joint Appeal for Peace

(Avi Katz)

Joint Appeal for Peace

Ketubah, Ancona, Italy (1772)

(Jewish Theological Seminary library)

Ancona ketubah

Posts Tagged ‘norman-finkelstein’

‘Rachel’ Excluded from Seattle Jewish Film Festival

Sunday, February 14th, 2010


Last year, the San Francisco Film Festival bravely programmed the film Rachel, about the life and death of Olympia-raised pro-Palestine peace activist, Rachel Corrie.  As a result of the screening, the director of the Koret Foundation slammed both the film and the festival for supporting “anti-Israel propaganda.”  To its credit, the Festival didn’t cancel the film and didn’t back down in any substantive way.

The upcoming Seattle Jewish Film Festival has no such courage of its convictions.  The director took one look at the first image on screen and said: “No way:”

Beyond her hopes that Seattle’s festival will bring local Jews together rather than divide, Lavitt said she rejected Rachel first and foremost on quality, which she said was too incendiary and unwilling to see more than one side of the story. Unlike the stage play My Name is Rachel Corrie, in which Corrie’s character opens with her head under a sheet and shining a flashlight on her journal, “this film…begins with the body of Rachel Corrie in a morgue,” Lavitt said. “No dialogue could get your head past that.”

Notice the director says she rejected the film because of its poor quality and then quickly adds it was “too incendiary.”  Of the two, I think we know what the real reason for rejection was.  And apparently you can’t exhibit any film at the Seattle festival that includes images of a dead American girl killed by the IDF.

To view an interview with filmmaker Simone Bitton, watch this YouTube video.

Another film you won’t see this year in Seattle is American Radical: the Trials of Norman Finkelstein.  If you thought Rachel Corrie was too “incendiary,” Norman Finkelstein is downright inflammatory.  And Seattle doesn’t do controversy apparently.  The motto seems to be: don’t rock the boat.  Now here I always thought the purpose of great film and art was to provoke, to question, to trouble, to make you think about the big questions of Jewish identity.  In Seattle, there’s a six foot fence around these issues.

There is one excellent Israeli film the festival is featuring, Ajami, which is an unusual film in that it portrays the seamier side of Israeli life and the poor Tel Aviv-Jaffo neighborhood of Ajami.  Of course, it hasn’t hurt the film that it swept all major Israeli film awards and has been nominated for an Oscar. Clearly, liberal Zionists in Seattle feel comfortable with a film that Israel and the outside world has embraced even if it does deal with troubling notions of what it is to be an Israeli Palestinian in one of Israel’s poorest neigborhoods. But when it comes to discussions of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, you can forget about it. As far as the Seattle festival is concerned, the 2007 Gaza war never happened. BDS doesn’t exist and the Goldstone Report never happened. Let’s see if Ms. Lavitt is willing to program documentaries about these difficult issues in future festivals.

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Finkelstein to Invoke Law of Return if Israel Refuses Entry

Friday, July 11th, 2008

In an otherwise disdainful and painfully partisan profile of Norman Finkelstein written by Jewish Week reporter Stewart Ain, Norman Finkelstein reveals that he plans to meet with Israeli consular officials in September to get an undertaking from them that he will be allowed to enter Israel should he attempt to do so (he was recently deported by Israel due to his outspoken criticism of its policies):

Finkelstein is preparing for what may be his biggest fight, albeit one he doesn’t relish. He plans to go to the Israeli Consulate in New York in September to seek an assurance that he will be admitted in December. Such assurance, he said, would allow all concerned to “avoid the spectacle of me applying under the Law of Return [which gives every Jew the automatic right to acquire Israeli citizenship]. … It’s hard to see which side will find that more ridiculous.

“I don’t incite riots,” he continued. “I’m just going to see a friend in the occupied Palestinian territories. I’m not there to see Israel. I do not need for every facet of my life to be politicized. If Israeli authorities would just grant me a visa, I’ll move on.”

Finkelstein said he hopes to visit a Palestinian, Musa Abu Hashhash, who lives with his wife and children near Hebron. They first met in 1988 when Finkelstein went to Israel with a delegation from the Arab-American Anti-Discrimination Committee and Finkelstein dedicated one of his books to the man, who works for B’Tselem, an Israeli human rights group.  He stressed that his visit to Israel would be a “private” affair and that he had “no interest in turning this into a political issue. … I don’t think they can deny me, and I don’t want to turn it into a test case for the Israeli High Court.”

If they refuse, and Finkelstein invokes the Law of Return and takes Israeli citizenship, it would no longer be possible to prevent him from visiting the country. I just wonder whether the IDF, in a fit of pique, will call him up for miluim (reserve duty). Then you’d have the added spectacle of the Israel critic refusing to serve and then being jailed as a seruvnik (refuser). Of course, all of this is doubtful since I don’t believe the army calls you for duty unless you’re physically in the country; and as someone who never served in any army I can’t see that he’d be much use to the IDF, even as a mere reservist.  But I’d never underestimate the willingness of the IDF and intelligence establishment to punish its critics.

There would be a delicious irony here: the Shin Bet attempts to make Finkelstein persona non grata in punishment for his outspokenness against Israeli policy toward the Arabs.  Finkelstein then one-ups them by becoming an Israeli citizen, a prospect that’s got to fill them with revulsion.  So which is worse: allowing Finkelstein to visit his friend in the West Bank unfettered?  Or standing on sordid principle and forcing your worst nightmare to become one of you?

Returning to the issue of Ain’s antagonism for his subject.  Let’s take but a single sentence out of an entire diatribe concealed as a piece of journalism:

No more loyal students, no more lectures to prepare, no more radio debates with his arch-enemy, Alan Dershowitz, no more national spotlight; Finkelstein is the man no one wants, and perhaps for good reason.

Just because Finkelstein doesn’t currently teach doesn’t mean he has no “loyal students.”  In fact, he has thousands of students he has taught who feel tremendous loyalty to him.  And while he may have no more college lectures to prepare, Finkelstein continues to lecture around the country.  In fact, he just spoke here in Seattle at the University of Washington Hillel.

It is yet another presumptuous statement to claim Finkelstein “has no more national spotlight” since his books are as relevant and as quoted as ever.  He continues to be an important part of the Jewish discourse on all the subjects about which he’s written including the Holocaust and Israel.

If Finkelstein is the “man no one wants,” then why did Ain want to interview him?  Why did a documentary filmmaker spend several years making American Radical about the former college professor; a film which promises to make a big splash when it is released.  The very statement is ludicrous.

I find it demeaning that Ain would ask Finkelstein whether, in his inability to secure college teaching work, he considered becoming a high school teacher; and it is unconscionable that Ain repeated the scurrilous Dershowitz charge that Finkelstein’s mother, an Auschwitz survivor, was a kapo.  How can Ain or his editors countenance such calumnies?  Did the reporter not research the collaboration charge by visiting Finkelstein’s website to see the powerful rebuttal he wrote?  And if he had, how could he possibly have found asking such a question to be in good taste?

Reading the profile I felt deeply embarrassed for Finkelstein that he should be treated so shabbily by the Jewish press.  This is yet another example of the parochialism and partisan nature of Jewish communal journalism in the face of controversial subjects related to Israel.

I Have a Dream…for Israeli Democracy

Sunday, June 1st, 2008

This dream of mine is nowhere near as elegantly articulated or stirring as Martin Luther King’s, but it nevertheless represents some creative brainstorming. It all began with this short passage in the Jerusalem Post:

On Tuesday, the Shin Bet said that if Finkelstein tried returning to Israel it would need to re-evaluate its position.”

This got me to thinking, by God, the Shin Bet is tacitly inviting Finkelstein to try again; or else they’re warning him that they might “re-evaluate its position” by locking him in prison and throwing away the key. I started thinking–why not test the Shin Bet’s statement? Why not return to Israel?

Then my brainstorming became grander and bolder: don’t just return to Israel, but make a bold political statement out of Finkelstein’s return. After the ugliness at DePaul, local Chicago activists organized a teach-in on academic freedom which included Ben Gurion University professor Neve Gordon, John Mearsheimer, and Finkelstein.

So I started thinking why not do something similar in Israel with Finkelstein again being either the guest of honor or featured speaker. You could turn this into an academic conference on issues like Israeli democracy, ethnic identity and conflict in Israel, Israel-Syria peace negotiations, the critical importance of freedom of travel and speech in democratic society. The conference could happen both in Israel and in the West Bank say, at Bir Zeit University (since one couldn’t expect Israelis to be able to travel freely to the West Bank nor Palestinians to travel to Israel to attend either session).

Think of the interesting figures you could invite who have had experiences similar to Finkelstein’s who could address this gathering:

1. Tariq Ramadan, whose U.S. visa to teach at Notre Dame was revoked in part because Daniel Pipes and other neocons lied claiming Ramadan was a supporter of Islamic terror.

2. Yigal Arens, computer security expert at the University of Southern California and son of Israeli former defense minister, Moshe Arens. The younger Arens was invited to lead a section of a Ben Gurion University conference in his field. But the Shin Bet conference participants objected to his presence because he is a strident critic of Israeli policy. Conference organizers disinvited him.

3. Avrum Burg, whose new book The Holocaust is Over, scandalized the Israeli political elite when it was published in Hebrew last year because Burg, scion of a distinguished Orthodox Zionist family, has moved to France and turned his back on Israeli Zionism.

4. Menachem Klein, professor at Bar Ilan University, whose academic department refuses to grant him tenure because his analysis of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict violates the department’s narrow political-academic consensus.

5. Neve Gordon, professor at Ben Gurion University, who has endured a savage letter writing campaign to his university president and trustees smearing his name and seeking to get him fired for his critical writing about Israeli policy.  Another Israeli academic, Steven Plaut, called him a “kapo” and “Juden-Rat,” and ended up losing a libel case brought by Gordon and a subsequent appeal.

6. Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian, an Israeli-Arab law professor at the Hebrew University who was denied permission to exit Israel (again while at Ben Gurion airport) to attend an academic conference; all this at the hands of the same Shin Bet which deported Finkelstein.

7. Hadeel Abukwaik, one of seven Palestinian Fulbright winners who recently gained permission to take up their U.S. studies after it was initially denied by the IDF which refused to allow them to exit Gaza.

8. Juan Cole, professor at University of Michigan, denied endowed chair at Yale University after a campaign by right-wing alumni attacking him for being anti-Israel.

9. Rashid Khalidi, professor of MIddle East studies at Columbia University, similarly smeared while he was under consideration for an endowed chair at Princeton University and also fired from teaching a course to New York City public school teachers about the Middle East, because of false charges made by Daniel Pipes of supporting Arab radicalism.

10. Nadia Abu El-Haj, professor of anthropology at Barnard College, targeted by pro-Israel militants who attempted unsuccessfully to deny her tenure for her critical writings about Israeli archaeology.

11. Sami Bahour, Palestinian-American entrepreneur and peace activist denied entry to Israel for no discernible reason.

12. Zvi Schreiber, Israeli technology entrepreneur and developer of G.ho.st, a program allowing computer users to access their computers anywhere in the world. The project is a collaboration between Israelis and Palestinian programmers.

13. Rabbi Menachem Froman, founder of Gush Emunim and West Bank settler, who is close to Hamas. The Shin Bet prevented Froman from holding a joint press conference to promote his ideas about Israeli-Palestinian peace.

As part of this conference, I’d love to hear a concert by Mira Awad, a wonderful Israeli Arab singer and popular theater and TV actress who hasn’t been able to get a recording contract to produce her first recording. Her music is not considered commercial enough (as defined by Israeli Jewish record executives). And why not add to the concert David Broza, who recorded the first Israeli-Palestinian musical duet for his song, B’Libi; and Noa and Khaled, whose performance in Hebrew and Arabic of John Lennon’s Imagine is stirring beyond belief; and Idan Raichel, whose music is at the cutting edge of the intersection of Israeli and world music. A performance by the West-Eastern Divan Orchestra under Daniel Barenboim would also be stirring.

I also devised a few ideas about how to shame/compel the Shin Bet into granting Finkelstein entry. He could fly to Israel with several of the conference speakers forcing the Shin Bet to grant entry or eject all of them. The could call the flight the “Voyage of the Banned.”  Other conference speakers could meet him at Ben Gurion along with his lawyer, Michael Sfard (just in case). Joining them could be a few journalists, TV cameras and perhaps an MK or two. I’d say this might give the Shin Bet pause. And if it didn’t, the conference organizers could hold the event/s anyway and leave an empty “Elijah’s chair” on stage for anyone detained by the Shin Bet.

Of course, it’s easy to dream. Israelis would be the ones to have to do the hard work to make this dream happen. But it was great fun dreaming a dream of Israeli democracy and of forcing the Shin Bet to live up to the ideals of its own country’s Declaration of Independence.

Finkelstein to Shin Bet: Osama Sent Me

Sunday, May 25th, 2008

In the course of writing this blog, I’ve chronicled some really dumb moves by the Shin Bet. But their decision in arresting and deporting Norman Finkelstein from the country really takes the cake:

Finkelstein said he was asked whether he had met with Al Qaida operatives, whether he had been sent to Israel by Hezbollah and how he intended to finance his stay in Israel.

“I was kept in a holding cell at the airport for approximately 24 hours…” Finkelstein said.


The Shin Bet apparently doesn’t understand the difference between Al Qaeda and Hezbollah. Or perhaps it pretends it doesn’t know the difference in order to smear people like Finkelstein. But actually, such questions only show the utter stupidity of the agent who asked them. And since he was following a scenario sketched out for him by his superiors, I presume we can blame the entire agency for this line of questioning.

The idea that Norman Finkelstein was imprisoned by the Shin Bet is an outrage. Even if you disagree with Finkelstein’s views on Hezbollah and think that Finkelstein is an intellectual provocateur, he is a respected academic with a large international audience. In banning him, Israel has made itself look petty, small and mean.

In an exchange of e-mails with fellow progressives I was shocked to discover that several people I thought would respond positively on this issue essentially said: “Finkelstein can go to hell for all I care.” I can understand why they don’t like Finkelstein. He is prickly person who tends to argue his case in extreme terms. In the passion of his argument, he gets carried away and overstates his case.

But the amount of misinformation forwarded even by Jewish progressives about Finkelstein was astonishing. One person who works for an Israeli human rights group said he praised Hezbollah as “heroes.” He didn’t. Another who is a senior staffer for a Jewish peace group said Finkelstein “celebrated the murder of Israelis.” He didn’t. The same person said Finkelstein made him “want to vomit.” What is especially astonishing about the argument advanced by these people is their claim that Finkelstein’s deportation is not a blemish on Israeli democracy. That Israel did what any democratic country can and should do in denying entry to someone it views as hostile to its interests.

It’s also ironic that when deported, Finkelstein was on his way to visit a Palestinian activist for the very same Israeli human rights group whose staffer I referred to above. The latter essentially said Finkelstein deserved what he had coming to him. I’m continually astonished that even so-called liberals can wear such blinders.

I’m not saying Finkelstein is my favorite human being or even my favorite analyst of the Israeli-Arab conflict. But if we allow the petty, small-minded spooks of the Shin Bet to determine that a he can be banned for criticizing Israel then any one of us can be similarly denied.

Remember Martin Niemoller. He began his career hating Jews. Then he became a critic of Hitler and was imprisoned by him for eight years. By the end of his imprisonment he understood that Jews were the canary in the coal mine. By not standing up for them when he should have, he made it that much easier for Hitler to come for him later on. I am simply shocked that I should have to say this to people who work for Jewish peace groups and Israeli human rights groups. It seems like an elementary and fundamental point that should be understood by anyone sensitive to these issues. Yet it isn’t.

In thinking of this case, I am reminded of a very similar one here in the U.S. in which the Department of Homeland Security revoked a visa for Tariq Ramadan, the European Muslim scholar who intended to teach a course at Notre Dame. DHS made a similarly vague statement that Ramadan was denied entry on security grounds. His U.S. government interrogators similarly noted that he had donated money to groups affiliated with Hamas (before that group was listed as a terror organization). Daniel Pipes had argued publicly that Ramadan supported Islamic terror and the former had forwarded his claims to DHS. It is likely that Pipes’ false claims about Ramadan’s sympathy for terrorism played a similar role in his exclusion from the U.S.

My question to these erstwhile Jewish progressives who’ve deserted Finkelstein is: if DHS actually, but mistakenly sees Ramadan as a supporter of terrorism, why is this agency’s action any worse than Israel’s? In short, if a government wishes to ban someone for their political views, they should show cause how those views will actually do real harm to the nation. They should allow the victim to appeal the ruling in an expedited way: that is, they shouldn’t imprison someone like a Ramadan or Finkelstein as a common criminal until their case can be heard.

Finally, just as the Bush Administration should be made to pay a price for its ludicrous decision in the Ramadan case, so the Israeli government should be made to pay a similar price. If you want to deny a Jew the right to enter Israel simply because he says things that your own citizens say (and who are not prosecuted for saying them), but which are inconvenient to hear–then you deserve to become the laughingstock of democracies the world over.

Jerry Haber has also written a terrific post on this subject.

Brandeis Caves to Pipes, Donor Pressure

Friday, February 23rd, 2007

Columbia (Joseph Massad), Yale (Juan Cole) and Princeton (Rashid Kahlidi) have had the honor of their Mideast studies faculty (and faculty candidates) being subjected to a pro-Israel smear campaign. Now, it appears Brandeis is suffering the same fate. But instead of the David Project


(behind the Columbia smear), Daniel Pipes is single-handedly taking on Brandeis with the help of some of its pro-Israel donors who’ve threatened a financial boycott.

It all started with Jimmy Carter (doesn’t it always), who spoke on campus several weeks ago. The Pipes-Dershowitz crowd was in high moral dudgeon because Carter refused a one on one debate with Dershowitz. (Last I checked, Dershowitz hadn’t invited Carter to debate him when the Big D’s last book was published either.) University president Jehudah Reinharz was tarred and feathered. Jewish Week reported as much as $5 million in donations was being withdrawn.

The president was even quoted in the student newspaper as being opposed to either Pipes or Norman Finkelstein speaking on campus because of the “inflammatory nature” of their views, saying they were “weapons of mass destruction.”

In its second report on the controversy, Jewish Week indicates that Reinharz has softened his views on at least one of the two speakers. I bet you can’t guess which one…yes, it’s Pipes. Instead of being described as the vapid ideologue he really is, Reinharz now lauds him as serious scholar. He even offers him the hospitality and imprimatur of the president’s office:

You have been a guest on this campus on more than one occasion and, I believe, have always been treated with the utmost respect. I trust that the student groups who organize these events will manage your return visit in the spring with dispatch, and you will be recognized by Brandeis as the scholar you are. I, and my Executive Assistant, Dr. John Hose hope to attend your talk. If time allows, perhaps we can continue our conversation in my office.

Anything to cool down pro-Israel donors and demagogues on the warpath.

Reinharz offers the prestige of his office to someone who levels the most despicable calumnies (which unfortunately describes most of what he writes) against two members of his own faculty:

What, precisely, are those scholarly resources available at Brandeis? Might [University administrator John] Hose be referring to the University’s leading specialist on “contemporary Islamic thought and practice”… Prof. Natana DeLong-Bas (NEJS), an apologist for Al-Qaeda whose depraved thinking was exposed in several recent articles (including “Natana DeLong-Bas: American Professor, Wahhabi Apologist” and “Sympathy for the Devil at Brandeis,” from frontpagemag.com)? Or is he referring to Khalil Shikaki, a Crown Center fellow who has been credibly accused of terrorist links and has a second-to-none record in getting it wrong in his chosen field of Palestinian public opinion?

There are links in this passage to various Campus Watch and Frontpagemagazine articles which I don’t have the heart to link to here. But you can find those links at Pipes’ site.
Wahhabi Islam: From Revival and Reform to Global Jihad
This is what Oxford University Press has to say about Prof. Delong-Bas in its profile accompanying her book, Wahabi Islam:

Natana J. DeLong-Bas is senior research assistant at the Center for Muslim-Christian Understanding at Georgetown University. She is the author of Notable Muslims: A Biographical Dictionary (2004) and co-author of Women in Muslim Family Law revised edition, with John L. Esposito (2001). She has served as editor for and contributor to The Oxford Dictionary of Islam (OUP, 2003), and contributor to The Encyclopaedia of the Qur’an (2004), and The Encyclopedia of the Islamic World (OUP, 2004). She is a frequent public speaker on Islam, Wahhabism, and Saudi Arabia.

In protesting the banning of her book on Wahabi Islam by Egyptian religious authorities (that’s right, the book was banned by Islamists), the provost of the American University in Cairo said this:

“The book essentially argues that Wahhabism has been hijacked by the jihadists…”

Based on what I have read of her work, I wouldn’t say I’d agree with all of her views on Wahabi Islam. But to call her an Al Qaeda symp is ridiculous. And talk about ‘depraved,’ what kind of depraved human being could call a fellow academic “depraved” based on the above biographical profile?

As for the Shikaki attack, it’s beyond laughable. Shikaki is Palestine’s leading demographer and pollster who holds a Columbia University PhD. He founded the Palestinian Center for Policy Survey Research. He regularly collaborates with Israeli pollsters to track Israeli and Palestinian attitudes toward the peace process. His research is avidly followed by researchers, journalists and political leaders in Israel and throughout the world. I regularly report on his polls here when Haaretz reports them. To accuse this man of “terrorist links” is far beyond the pale and only testifies to the desperation of Pipes’ witch hunt against those he views as dangers to Israel.

Let’s also keep in mind that Herr Pipes was the figure largely responsible for Tariq Ramadan being declared persona non grata by the Dept. of Homeland Security. Pipes accused Ramadan of supporting Islamic terror with equally flimsy evidence to that presented against the above Brandeis figures.

Returning to Reinharz’ change of heart about Pipes. The latter had been scheduled to speak on campus this spring. Reinharz’ first remarks on Pipes and Finkelstein seemed to indicate that the University would permit neither to speak though there has been a change of heart outlined above. As for Finkelstein, he doesn’t seem to have the proper papers for a Brandeis engagement. He’ll be sailing the waters outside of campus on the good ship St. Louis till Reinharz decides whether his kind may be permitted entry to Brandeis.

I should state here that I don’t share Norman Finkelstein’s views of Zionism. But if a creep like Daniel Pipes should deserve the honor of a Brandeis podium, Finkelstein deserves one no less. I’m with Prof. Gordon Fellman on this:

Fellman advocated following up Carter’s appearance by opening the school to a new range of speakers on the Middle East.

“We also need to hear Avigdor Lieberman” — an Israeli Knesset member who advocates stripping Israeli Arab citizens of their citizenship — said Fellman. “We also need to hear a right-wing Orthodox settler convinced that God commands Jews to live in the West Bank. We need to hear more from Israelis who reject the occupation and reject the violence. … We need to hear Palestinians who have lived under occupation tell their sides of the story. … We need to hear from the rejectionists on both sides, and we need to hear from the accommodationists on both sides.”

In contrast, I find this counter-view expressed by Brandeis American Jewish historian Jonathan Sarna to be profoundly infantilizing:

“We don’t want to be in the position that every crackpot can be given a forum,” he said.

“I think the faculty increasingly understands that just as we exercise a lot of quality control over faculty appointments, so, too, do we have an obligation to exercise quality control for speakers on campus,” explained Sarna. “Part of our job is to help students figure out what bad books are, and what good books are; what is a bad scholar, and what is a good scholar. … How we exercise that responsibility without in any way limiting free discourse is what this committee will tackle.”

Sarna strongly endorsed Pipes’ scholarly credentials and his qualifications to speak on campus but said he did not want to “prejudge” the case of Finkelstein.

It appears that Pipes is one of the “good scholars” and Finkelstein in all likelihood one of the “bad.”

The types of speakers Fellman lists above represent legitimate loci of opinion within Israeli society. What is wrong with a serious academic institution hearing from all sides of the debate? You’re not appointing these people to the faculty or offering honorary degrees. You’re merely asking them to come and address students for an hour or two. What is Sarna afraid of here? I fear that what he’s done is import to campus the mainstream Jewish community’s absolute fear of real debate about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. He seems to be saying we can only have a debate that is carefully managed. You’ve got to strain it like baby food for an infant. Take out the bad bits and leave in the good.

Sarna continues:

“There are members of the Brandeis community who truly want everyone to be able to speak, like Hyde Park. I think a university with limited funds, limited resources, limited rooms, and with extremists who require security each time, must use its funds in a responsible way.”

Cop out…big time. This from a supposedly distinguished academic historian? What lameness. Who does he think he’s kidding?