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Sarajevo Haggadah

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Sarajevo haggadah

Antaea Darom

Israeli women's art

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Torah as music

Ben Heine

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ceramic bowl

Mohammad Said Kalash, "Offering Reconciliation" exhibit (photo: Ilan Amihai)

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Punch and Judy/Pinchas and Jamila

Avi Katz

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David Grossman

Ben Heine

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Eldrige Street shul

Lower East Side

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Dove

Ben Heine

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Two birds

Hoda Jamal

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Israeli and Palestinian boys

from documentary, Promises

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Cat in the Hat

Yiddish version

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Daylight through the Wall

Banksy: graffiti art on Separation Wall

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Maurice Sendak's Brundibar set

New Victory Theater (photo: Nan Melville/NYT)

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Daniel Barenboim, West-Eastern Divan Orchestra

Palestinian-Israeli musical ensemble (photo: Kerstin Joensson/AP)

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Great Day on Eldrige Street

N.Y.'s klezmer greats celebrate shul rededication (photo: Leo Sorel)

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Joint Appeal for Peace

(Avi Katz)

Joint Appeal for Peace

Ketubah, Ancona, Italy (1772)

(Jewish Theological Seminary library)

Ancona ketubah

Posts Tagged ‘liberal zionism’

Gershom Gorenberg is a Liar

Monday, June 20th, 2011

I was shocked today when I saw in my site stats, a visit to this blog from The American Prospect and, following the link, read that Gershom Gorenberg has written an essay in which he’s blatantly lied about my political views, saying they represent “the grim anti-Zionist left.”  His essay is a bit of puffery written on behalf of J Street in which he sets up a false dichotomy between those who attack J Street from the far right (Daniel Gordis) and the far left (me).  Of course, Gorenberg neglects to mention that at one time I supported J Street, donated personal funds, and even organized a blogger panel at its first national conference.  Issac Luria even organized an online debate between Jeremy and I during which I’d looked forward to challenging him with my views of where J Street was going.  They debate never happened because they chose not to do it.  It was after this and a bit of lazy staff work on Luria’s part in response to a request for help in writing a post that defended J Street, that I decided that I was done with the group.  But all this reality would spoil the nice (false) juxtaposition he had going.

Any half-way decent human being whose spent five minutes reading this blog knows what I am, what I call myself, and what other reporters and publications (including Yediot, Walla and Maariv in Israel) have called me when they’ve written about my views. Progressive Zionist?  Yes.  Criticial Zionist?  Yes.  Some have called me a leftist and others liberal.  But the only people who call me anti-Zionist are settlers and their supporters.  Oh and how can I forget cretins like David Abitbol and Aussie Dave whose Zionist credentials are tarnished by their own proclivity for lying.  These hasbarists are going to love Gorenberg too.  I am NOT an anti-Zionist and calling me that is a low blow of the type I didn’t think Gorenberg had in him.

But writers harbor grudges and Gorenberg has one against me because he wrote an essay asking the fraudulent question: why are there no Palestinian Gandhis?  Even The Atlantic which was supposed to publish it, turned it down (wonder whether he peddled it to TAP as well and they turned it down?).  Gorenberg then had to go to The Weekly Standard, where Bill Kristol was happy to publish material by a liberal Zionist attacking the Palestinian movement.  I don’t think Gorenberg forgave me for that, even though I tried to couch my criticism as constructively as I could and confirmed my (then) respect for him.  He was waiting for an opportunity to repay me and now he’s taken it.

I’ve written to the TAP editor demanding a correction of this error and also demanded from Gorenberg that he do so.  Now I await a reply.  If they are willing to correct it then they will show themselves to be honorable people.  If not, then they will further tarnish the term “liberal Zionism,” which has taken an awful pounding over the past decade or so.  As things stand now, Gershom Gorenberg is a liar.  I hope he’s willing to correct himself so that I can acknowledge that when he makes a mistake he’s honorable about fixing it.

The fact that a liberal Zionist like Gorenberg needs to write me out of the Zionist tribe tells you a lot about the bankruptcy of liberal Zionism and almost nothing about my real views.  To some of you this may appear rather academic.  To those of you who may be to my political left it may be even slightly irritating.  But I assure you that when you write about the conflict as an American Jew what you call yourself and what others call you matters.  When someone lies about your views it damages your reputation.  When someone publishing in as respectable a publication as The American Prospect lies about your views it’s even more troubling.

The occasion of Gorenberg’s essay was in part to flack for Jeremy Ben Ami’s shining new opus on the beauty of liberal Zionism to be called: A New Voice for Israel.  Jeremy Ben Ami is not a new voice for Israel.  There is little that is new about liberal Zionism.  And besides, does Israel as currently constituted need so-called progressive voices speaking up on its behalf?  I find it interesting that his new book doesn’t contain the word “peace.”  It’s just “for Israel.”  That says it all, doesn’t it?  How many times do you want to bet you’ll see the word “Palestinian” in that new book of his?

In the weakness of his grasp of my views, Gorenberg doesn’t understand that I actually represent the views of those, if they remain involved, were/are on the left end of J Street’s politics.  At the first conference, which I attended, there were many more participants reflecting my politics than Jeremy’s as evidenced by the boos meted out to J.J. Goldberg and similar liberal Zionist speakers who embarrassed themselves with their Neanderthal reading of American Jewish Zionist thought.

Brad Burston: Jews of the Gate (JVP) vs. Jews of the Wall (Stand With Us)

Tuesday, November 23rd, 2010

Recently, I wrote a post about a talk Brad Burston, the Haaretz columnist, gave in Seattle that was hosted by J Street.  I said some tough things about Brad’s remarks that night and he was open-handed and gracious enough not to take personal offense, as so many large-egoed journalists tend to do.  He actually responded to my criticism and while I think we still have differences it was clear that he retained respect for my views.  That doesn’t often happen.

Brad’s been writing a series for Haaretz about his U.S. visit and the latest column is a good one.  In it, he posits a bifurcation in the U.S. between what he calls Jews of the Wall and Jews of the Gate:

The Jews of the Wall are that minority of Israeli and American Jews who sincerely and unshakably believe in permanent settlement in all of the West Bank. Over time, they have become the vanguard both of Orthodox Judaism and the secular neo-conservative Jewish right, whose power and influence, much of it monetary, has American Jewish institutions terrified of their own shadows.

The Jews of the Gate, meanwhile, comprise the majority of Jews in both America and Israel. They want to see a future partition of the Holy Land into two independent states, a democratic and internationally recognized state of Israel next to a sovereign and independent state of Palestine.

Nothing terribly earth-shattering in this.  But what follows is, at least for a liberal Zionist publication like Haaretz.  Burston talks about attacks against J Street, like the cancellation of a talk by the group’s Jeremy Ben Ami at a Newton, MA synagogue after members went on the warpath about J Street’s alleged ‘original’ anti-Israel ‘sins.’

But then Burston did something really interesting.  He wrote this:

This month, when Benjamin Netanyahu addressed the Jewish Federations of North America in what amounts to its annual State of the Jewish Community speech, a group of young Jews issued a remarkable, stunningly poetic counter-declaration to the general message of Everyone But Israel’s At Fault. While Netanyahu, the conference organizers and many of its speakers focused ire on foreign critics of Israel and – in an especially unfortunate McCarthyite phrase, “fellow travelers,” apparently a reference to Jews who question Israeli policy – for de-legitimizing the Jewish state, the message of the counter-declaration was that Israel’s Jewish critics see themselves and should be seen as part and parcel of the Jewish community.

Concurrently, Emily Schaeffer, a Boston-born American-Israeli human rights lawyer and activist, published an essay which clearly signaled to the wider Jewish community that the Boycott, Sanctions, Divestment movement – singled out by a senior Federation official as an existential danger to Israel – had a much more nuanced and complex side than the cartoon villains portrayed by invited experts to the New Orleans gathering.

…The Tel Aviv-based Schaeffer wrote than “just because a person supports BDS and aspires for major change in Israel does not mean that said person cannot love a million and a half aspects about the life, culture, landscape and even politics of Israel today and historically. Nor does it mean that Israelis need to boycott themselves (something that is neither possible nor part of the Palestinian call). The only thing that is black and white in the BDS movement is that the call will remain in effect until Israel — with a lot of help from its friends — ceases to violate international humanitarian and human rights law.”

…In New Orleans, when members of the Young Leadership Institute of Jewish Voice for Peace heckled Netanyahu and held up signs reading that occupation, loyalty oaths and settlements were delegitimizing Israel, they were manhandled, placed in headlocks, and their signs literally chewed to pieces.

A few days later in the Bay Area, an Israeli flag-draped member of a rightist advocacy group, San Francisco Voice for Israel/StandWithUs, disrupting a Jewish Voice of Peace meeting, pepper-sprayed two JVP members in the face and eyes.

The attack followed the May vandalism of the Berkeley home of Rabbi Michael Lerner, whose Tikkun Magazine had awarded its annual human rights prize to Judge Richard Goldstone. Among the vandals’ messages was one reading “Leftists and Islamofascists are Terrorists.”

To my knowledge, Haaretz has until never published a favorable account of the work of Jewish Voice for Peace with the exception of a surprisingly positive article last week reporting on the group’s Bibi protest at the GA.  Nor have I ever seen anything remotely favorable written about the BDS movement.

Unlike Brad, who is an inveterate optimist (when it comes to Israel and other matters too, I presume), I’m hesitant to read a precedent into these editorial decisions.  But it could be, it just could be that something is driving Haaretz to expand its Israel narrative.  It’s embracing voices hitherto unheard or very rarely heard.  And Brad is one who is helping break these barriers.

Of course, the irony is that J Street itself wouldn’t be caught dead in the same room with JVP and here Brad has put them into the same column!  But that’s J Street’s problem, not Brad’s or ours.  Another example, J Street demonstrated at the Hebron Fund dinner in New York last week and wouldn’t even join a group of fellow protestors that included JVP members and (God forbid) Palestinians!  They had to have a mechitzah so none of J Street’s haters would be able to lump them together as they’re creamin’ to do.

Here is more of Brad’s column worth reading:

The Jews of the Gate drive them [Jews of the Wall] bats. Because the Jews of the Gate face the world. The Jews of the Gate face one another. The Jews of the Gate believe in the possibility of a future. They have broken the Israel Barrier. They are being true to what they believe. They are being true to their Judaism and their love of Israel. They are using the tools God gave human beings to repair the world. Their voices and their hands.

The Jews of the Wall, in their drive for uniformity, rabbinical authority, spiritual and genetic cohesion, stand for exclusion. They face the Wall.

They live the past. They translate compromise as surrender. They believe that God’s Arabic vocabulary consists of the word No. They will tell you that they believe in negotiations, but ceding any of the homeland would rend Israeli society to the point of the destruction of the Jewish state. They will tell you that the Arabs hate us, Iranians, the Turks, Barack Obama, that they will always hate us. Therefore we cannot withdraw. If God Himself tells us to, we cannot withdraw.

The Jews of the Wall believe that the entire outside world is hostile to them. The truth, one suspects, is the exact opposite.

They can’t bring themselves to say what they really mean: The Occupation must persist in order that the settlements grow, and the settlements must grow in order that the Occupation become permanent.

They cannot accept that the Jews of the Gate care about Israel no less than they. And that Israel belongs to the Jews of the Gate every bit as much as it belongs to them. The Jews of the Gate want to see a different Israel, a better Israel. There are many more of them than there are of the Jews of the Wall. And their answers to Israel’s problems, to the cliff up ahead [ed., a reference to the closing scene of Thelma and Louise] , are a great deal more reasonable and a great deal more realistic than ‘Shut Up and Gun It.’

Brad seems to believe that America’s Jewish federations are more Jews of the Gate than Jews of the Wall.  I think it’s more of his optimistic side coming out.  Personally, I think this is a bit too much Pollyanna for my taste.  He even thinks there might be hope for the next GA to invite anti-Occupation groups like JVP to come sit under the big tent.  It ain’t gonna happen.  At least not next year or even any year in the near future.  It may eventually happen.  And if and when it does it will be because of courageous Israeli journalists like Brad.  So like Orwell said about democracy: two and half cheers (well, maybe even two and three-quarters) for Brad Burston!

Ethan Bronner: Israel-Palestine Conflict ‘Largely Drained of Violence’

Monday, November 22nd, 2010
palestinan in mourning

Palestinian confirms Bronner's 'draining of violence'...except in case of her own loved one, killed by the IDF Nov. 13 2010 (Reuters)

I like to follow Ethan Bronner’s writing for the N.Y. Times not so much because I’ll learn much, but rather to see how torturous the writing and thinking of a liberal Zionist must be in covering the Israeli-Palestinian conflict for a major western newspaper.  And his report in today’s Week in Review doesn’t disappoint.  In an article purporting to attempt to explain why the U.S. persists in seeking peace despite the fact that neither party seems to want it as much as we, he writes this howler:

It is worth noting that the Palestinian-Israeli conflict has been largely drained of deadly violence in the past few years…The dispute is calmer than it has been in years, which, in the brutal logic of the Middle East, means that neither side is eager right now for the necessary compromises. So why push so hard?

The first sentence of course displays not just blindness, but complete absence.  Where was Bronner during the Gaza war in which 1,400 were killed, a war which ended in early 2009?  Not to mention the Lebanon war of 2006, admittedly not directly tied to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict but certainly at least a kissing-cousin to it.  At least 1,000 were killed in that war.  Aside from this, he’s neglecting the hundreds of Palestinians who’ve been killed in those “past few years” by Israel’s often rampaging “security” forces.

What Bronner really means to say is that the past few years have been drained of violence against Israel or perhaps that relations between Israel and the West Bank are drained of violence, which is far different than what he actually wrote.  And because Israel faces relatively little violence against it, it is Israel which feels no real urgency to compromise.  It is an outright lie to say that the Palestinians are not eager for necessary compromises for peace.  They are, and how.  But they are not eager to give away the store BEFORE there is a serious settlement proposal even on the table.

Rather, it is ISRAEL which shows itself unwilling to compromise.  As everyone and their brother (and sister) now say, we all know the outlines of a settlement.  Who is it who refuses to return to 1967 borders, refuses to share Jerusalem as capital of a Palestinian state, refuses to even negotiate the Right of Return on the basis of the Geneva Initiative supported by 40% of Israelis?

What is it that the Palestinians are refusing to negotiate now?  A settlement freeze that excludes their future capital, East Jerusalem.  If Ehud Barak were Palestinian he’d doubtless agree with this stance just as he’s already said he’d be a militant if he were born Palestinian.  Doubtless he’d also be dead by now in that event, but no matter.

It is hard to tell in Bronner’s writing whether he’s deliberately lying about recent history or whether he’s simply so vacant that he can’t be bothered to consider narratives outside of the narrow ones to which he subjects his readers.  What’s more, I find it shocking that Bronner’s editor wouldn’t have the least knowledge of recent Israeli-Palestinian history to know that the sentence above is a total fraud.

Brad Burston Called Me an Anti-Semite

Sunday, October 31st, 2010
brad burston

Brad Burston called progressive Jews who deny Israel as the Jewish state 'anti-Semites'

Well, not precisely, but read on.

Burston is a Haaretz columnist with a set of quirky progressive ideas and a maverick streak.  You can’t pin him down precisely.  Sometimes he writes columns that make me proud and sometimes I want to throw a shoe at him (his phrase from a talk he delivered tonight) or at least his column on the computer screen.  A few months ago during the Anat Kamm case he wrote to me some lovely compliments about my coverage of the story.  He said I was brave and I was gratified to hear him say that.  Then I found that he’d been a very close friend of David Twersky, a former Jewish journalist and press officer of American Jewish Congress, who recently passed away from cancer.  Twersky and Burston were part of a garin that lived on Kibbutz Gezer in the 1970s.  I had spent a summer month on Gezer with an earlier American garin in 1972.  We had things in common.

So when I read that J Street would be hosting a talk by Burston tonight at my shul, I e mailed him and invited him to join me for a cup of coffee (which unfortunately didn’t happen).  I was looking forward to meeting him for the first time and made plans to attend his talk.  I was hoping to like him and his views as much as I had over the past few months.  But I was disappointed.  Not in Burston the person, but in his talk.

There are Israelis who, when they speak abroad deliver talks they never would in Israel.  They think their job is to rally the troops, to get them not to give up hope.  And I understand this impulse, I really do.  I too used to be a liberal Zionist (I’m still a Zionist, but that’s another blog post entirely).  But it doesn’t do anyone any good.  It sugarcoats Israeli reality.  It in a sense infantilizes the Diaspora audience by presuming that it either can’t take or wouldn’t understand a full-bore analysis of the extremity of the political situation in Israel.

At the present moment, an Israeli speaking in the Diaspora does a disservice when he makes things appear not quite as bad as they really are.  Only the truth suffices in the present situation.  Perhaps in 1972 or 1982 or 1992, one could perhaps understand the impulse to truncate one’s message.  But such bowdlerization of truth can no longer be justified.

So what did Burston say?  That brings me back to my title.  At one point, Burston said:

About the progressive Jew who sees nothing wrong with the many Muslim nations in the world, but who cannot allow the Jews to have a single state of their own anywhere in the world, I say that person is an anti-Semite.

That’s why I say that Burston called me an anti-Semite, though he didn’t do so personally.  But let me clear about my own views.  I do support an Israel that has a Jewish identity, just as I support an Israel that has a Muslim and Christian identity for those religious groups.  I do not support an Israel which affirms Judaism as its sole or primary national religion to the exclusion or detriment of others.  If Israel is to be a true democracy it must not favor one religion over others.  It must treat religions equally.  That does not mean that Judaism or Jewishness will be disrespected or ignored or subordinated.  But it means that this particular religion will take its place as one of several religions practiced by the nation’s citizens.

That’s why I believe Brad Burston called me an anti-Semite.

There were other parts of his talk that troubled me as well.  When Israeli liberals speak here they usually try to tell audiences things aren’t as bad as they are.  So did the Haaretz columnist.  He told his listeners that things weren’t as bad as they might seem, that Israeli democracy was strong.  As proof, he used a Yediot poll which asked respondents which Israeli politicians they felt most embodied ultra-nationalist, even fascist views.  60% named Avigdor Lieberman.  The speaker used this poll result to say that not only didn’t Lieberman represent a “real and present danger” to Israeli democracy, but Israelis saw through him and would never support him.

What Burston neglected to acknowledge was that the entire premise of the poll and accompanying newspaper articles about it was that fascism was a real and present danger in Israel.  There were other questions in this same poll whose results actually proved precisely the opposite of what he claimed: that is (for one example), that Israeli by large margins support curbs on free speech and democratic rights even when the issues addressed are NOT security related.

Burston argued that while it was true that the Israeli liberal concept of “land for peace” was dead, so was the far right vision of Greater Israel.  He denigrated the notion of the power of the Israeli right over Israeli political life by claiming that it doesn’t even truly represent its ideological legacy.  As proof, he cited the fact that by party, 96 of the 120 Knesset members support a two-state solution.  I find such a claim to be so weak and unpersuasive, I’m surprised anyone with Burston’s clear level of political intelligence would use it.  This presumes of course that every Likud MK supports a Palestinian state, which is ludicrous and Burston should know it.

In fact, the vast majority of Israelis say they support a two state solution but few are willing to actually make the compromises necessary right now to make it happen.  The same is true of Knesset members.  There are very few that, if you asked them–do you support a return to 1967 borders, sharing Jerusalem, and a negotiated resolution of the Right of Return allowing some refugees to return–would say yes.  So saying you support a two state solution means nothing in this case, since you’re not willing to face the compromises necessary to achieve it.

I left Burston’s talk during the Q&A when the local Stand With Us board member, David Brumer, began his question with the lie:

I don’t disagree with anything you said tonight.

I knew it could only go downhill from there, and I didn’t have the heart to listen to the rest of a statement from someone who once wrote me an e mail saying I should be spanked for my views.

I’m also struck by the phrase “love for Israel” bandied about by so many liberal Zionists including Burston tonight.  One of the reasons (there were others as well) I didn’t attend Daniel Sokatch’s (he is the CEO of the New Israel Fund) talk here in Seattle this month was its title, Loving Israel in Challenging Times.  I find the notion that one must profess love for Israel before criticizing it to be preposterous.  It’s one thing in a marriage to criticize one’s wife while doing so in the context of the love you have.  But Israel is not a wife.  It is a country.  Wives don’t kill people (not usually), countries do.  I don’t want to make love to Israel.  I don’t want to have children with Israel.  I want it to be a country of which I can be proud as a Jew.  But what’s love got to do with it?  Love is a red herring.  It disables critical debate.  Love means that Israel cannot be something I think it should be, a normal state.  Love puts Israel on a pedestal just as traditional male attitudes toward women put them on similar pedestals that prevented them from being normal human beings.

In the time when I was still on e-mail terms with Leonard Fein, he practically made a fetish out of my supposed lack of love for Israel.  To him, it proved I had left the Zionst reservation because you could only express criticism of Israel out of such deep concern and affection, that your criticism would clearly be couched as that of a concerned parent for a loved one gone astray.  Naturally, I don’t have patience in this hour in which Israel finds itself in extremis for such mollycoddling.

To me it is self-evident that I would not write this blog unless I loved Israel.  It would simply be a waste of time to devote as many tens of thousands of hours to this enterprise as I have unless there was deep emotion attached to the subject.  And there is.  Many decades of my life have been devoted to Israel.  I could not do so unless I loved it.  But I will not trot out such love as if it were a stamp on a passport in order to prove my Zionist bona fides.

It’s the same way with the American far right which accuses the left of hating America and similar nonsense.  No one on the American left owes any explanation, justification or defense to their political opponents on this matter.  I don’t need to confess my love for America in order to criticize it.  In that sense, criticism is love.

It shouldn’t be surprising that Burston has been touring the U.S. on behalf of J Street.  This type of pulling of punches regarding Israel is J Street’s trademark.  I have pretty much given up on J Street as having any useful purpose regarding the Israeli-Arab conflict.  But I had hoped for more from Brad Burston and his talk tonight.

It’s possible that Brad Burston would not deliver the same address to an Israeli audience.  That he would speak more unguardedly, more forthrightly, more directly to such an audience.  That I would admire the penetrating analysis he would bring to bear before such a group.  It’s possible that there’s a Brad Burston in there I can still admire politically.  But I don’t think tonight he did Israel or himself any favors.

Yom Kippur, May You Be Sealed for Good

Saturday, September 18th, 2010

I’ve always admired the holiday of Yom Kippur for its introspective meditation and simple clarity.  Known as the “white fast” (as opposed to Tishah B’Av, the “black” fast), it aspires to a sort of spiritual purity.  It’s not at all a sad day, just a serious one.

Yom Kippur is a day of cheshbon nefesh, a very personal stock-taking of our vices and virtues.  But we pursue this deeply subjective enterprise in a very public setting, surrounded by hundreds of our fellow Jews each engaging in their own private dramas.  It makes for a special set of tensions that can bring out the best in oneself and one’s community.

But this is not at all the way the holiday was celebrated in ancient Israel.  Then it was a day on which engagements were announced and there was even an element of fertility worship on such a day that might lead to such engagements.

Arab shuk, East Jerusalem

Arab shuk, East Jerusalem (Richard Isaac)

Returning to latter-day Jewish life, you pare down things on Yom Kippur.  You shed leather shoes and belts, you fast, you cleanse the soul, you pray to be sealed in the Book of Life, you summon the beloved dead in Yizkor, you pound your breast for the sins acknowledged in community, you sing beautiful, stately melodies; and then feverishly, at the day’s end as the sun sets and the doors to heaven close, you raise your worship to a profound intensity brought on by hunger and by an intimacy with the divine.  Then the shofar blows those piercing, lingering notes of the tekiah g’dolah and it is over.  Hundreds of you raise your voices in joy and relief.  You hope that your spiritual efforts won favor and were enough for God to give you another year.

Back in graduate school, I loved the poetry of Yehuda Amichai, one of the greatest Israeli poets of the 20th century.  He wasn’t a political poet per se.  But he didn’t shy away from political themes either.  Here he describes a walk in Jerusalem’s Old City a few short months after the end of the 1967 War:

On Yom Kippur 5728 [1967],
I donned dark holiday clothing and walked to Jerusalem’s Old City.
I stood for quite a while in front of the kiosk shop of an Arab,
Not far from Sh’chem (Nablus) Gate,
A shop full of buttons, zippers and spools of thread of every color;
And snaps and buckles.
Brightly lit and many colored like the open Holy Ark.

I said to him in my heart that my father too
Owned a shop just like this of buttons and thread.
I explained to him in my heart about all the decades
And the reasons and the events leading me to be here now
While my father’s shop burned there
And he is buried here.

When I concluded it was the hour of N’eilah (“locking the gates”).
He too drew down the shutters and locked the gate
As I returned homeward with all the other worshippers.

–from Achshav Ba’Ra’ash (“Now, Noisily”), Schocken, 1975, page 11-12
translation Richard Silverstein

When I first studied this poem I thought it was an almost miraculous attempt to bridge worlds from Jewish Europe to Jewish Israel to Arab Palestine.  But as time has passed and the conflict has deepened and grown ever more toxic, one sees more of what is absent.  There is a narrator engaged in a form of communication that is part prayer.  But it is so internal that he makes no real contact with his interlocutor.  He wants his new neighbor-by-conquest to understand why he is here, why great suffering brought him from Europe to this Jerusalem.  It is, for the Israeli, a seemingly friendly approach like reaching out your hand to a stranger and hoping he will shake it.

While reaching out to the Palestinian shopkeeper even in prayer is laudable, there is no sense of community.  Who is he addressing?  Isn’t this done more for himself than the Palestinian?  If so, then it is a failed communication as so much of the “dialogue” between Israeli Jew and Palestinian has been for much of this century and the last.

The Palestinian.  What does HE think?  What and where are his roots?  Why doesn’t the narrator care? Why does he only want to make his own personal story known but not to hear the history of the Palestinian shopkeeper?  In a nutshell, this poem epitomizes the romance and failure of the liberal Israeli narrative.  It sought to communicate to the Palestinians the Jewish narrative without absorbing any of the Palestinian.  And that is the tragedy of liberal Zionism.

It is not only Amichai…it includes Amos Oz, A.B. Yehoshua, David Grossman, a veritable roster of Israel’s most distinguished men (yes, they are mostly men) of letters.  There are writers who have broken free of this mold, but they are generally the younger generation (though Dahlia Rabikovitch was the exception here).

Haaretz’s Burston: Pain of the Liberal Zionist

Saturday, February 20th, 2010

Brad Burston's Zionist crisis of conscience (Jews for Justice for Palestinians)

I empathize with Brad Burston.  I feel his pain.  The current rightist government is driving him to despair as a liberal Zionist.  It is destroying his dream of an Israel that is good and moral and at peace with itself and its neighbors.  I think I have long since lost some of the hopes and dreams Burston had (though my pain at times is no less than Burston’s).  I still consider myself a Zionist, but I would guess that our conceptions of it would be different.

Which is the reason why Burston’s dilemma compels me.  He’s still in territory I left some time ago.  But the very fact that he occupies ground that many Israelis do occupy means he is a bellweather of sorts for the liberal-left Zionist.  If Burston is facing a crisis of conscience, that is an important indication of a chink in the armor of the latter-day Zionism and its liberal supporters.

Avrum Burg went through such a crisis several years ago, abandoned liberal Zionism and Zionism in general, and emigrated from Israel to France and as a result opted out, to an extent, of this political debate.  It will be interesting to see whether, like Burg, Burston will have the courage of his conviction, and whether he will move to a more radical position or remain in his liberal Zionist mode.

Since he’s such a powerful writer when his passion is engaged, I enjoy quoting him at length.  Before I do though, I’m troubled by his juxtaposition of the supposed far-left anti-Zionist position with his own.  There are anti-Zionist who truly hate Israel, but there are anti-Zionists who do not and they’re not treated fairly by Burston’s formulation.  With that caveat, read on:

At times like these, I envy the people who passionately, frankly, with all their hearts, despise Israel.

Hate Israel enough, and the Jewish state’s failings and blunders, its self-satisfied blindness and its resultant self-destructive policies, cause not pain, but delight.

Hate Israel enough, and you’re spared all inclination to try to fix what’s wrong, to work to set it right. On the contrary, hate Israel enough, and you may come to believe not only that the country deserves to be punished to the point of replacement by a different state – Israel may well do the job all by itself.

This is one of those times.

I have made my peace with the fact that this is not the same country I moved to, so long ago. I learned when I first came, that Israel was not the country I’d thought I was moving to.

But this is different. This time is a test for every Israeli, and so far, we are failing.

There was once a time when Israel longed to be a member in good standing of the community of nations. There was a time when one of its fondest goals was to end its status as a nation in quarantine, boycotted, unrecognized, unwanted, kept firmly at arm’s length.

No longer. Without asking its people, without a second thought, Israel, at its highest level, has taken an executive decision. Unable to beat the forces who want to see Israel as one of the world’s primary pariah states, it has resolved to join them.

Determined to take our fate into its own hands. Israel, at its highest level, has decided that the job of delegitimizing the Jewish state must not be left to foreigners and amateurs. Showing itself desperate to be a pariah state, Israel will now get it done on its own.

What the far-left from Britain to Berkeley has been unable to bring off – a sense among Israel’s allies that Israel has become a heartless, morally heedless aggressor state worthy of sanction and shunning – the far-right in Israel’s own government, and in particular, its Foreign Ministry, seems determined to inculcate to the full.

We should have known that something like the Dubai assassination debacle was going to happen. The process of de-legitimizing Israel from within was going too slowly.

It was not enough choose a pathetic side issue, a Turkish television show with anti-Israel scenes, as grounds to humiliate with infantile malice the highly respected ambassador of Turkey – a nation whose relationship with Israel, though troubled, remains crucial from every strategic and diplomatic standpoint…

Referring to the bellicose, confessed and convicted disgrace who is his foreign minister and superior, Ayalon told Channel Two, “His policy is proving to be effective. We will not allow a situation where every country will kick us. If there will be an attack [even if verbal or cultural] on Israel, we will leave all options open, including the expulsion of ambassadors.

It wasn’t enough to threaten our relations with the United Kingdom, Ireland, France, Austria and the whole of the European Union, as well as the emirates and other moderate Muslim states, by apparently violating the basic conventions of all civilized states in the Dubai murder.

It was necessary to stage a quick follow-up, for the sake of balance, perhaps, in going after our relations with Israel’s indispensable ally. In a gratuitous move breathtaking in its haughtiness, its ignorance of and disrespect for the United States and the American Jewish community, the Foreign Ministry – spearhead of Israel’s campaign against boycotts abroad – elected this week to boycott a meeting with five U.S. Congressmen visiting Israel.

Why? The representatives were visiting under the auspices of J Street. J Street, in the ministry’s eyes, is guilty of the crime of explicitly calling itself pro-Israel, while not agreeing wholeheartedly with everything the government of Israel says and does.

I have come to envy the people who hate Israel. They’ve got every reason to smile.

…No one can defend this anymore. There’s too much that looks bad, and much too much of it is true.

Like so many of Israel’s recent actions, the motives for the Dubai assassination are debatable. The negative impact is inarguable.

…My wife, who cares about this country as deeply as anyone, was singing this morning, but with a smile I have come to recognize as a sign of pain. ” … And they call the state Pariah.”

All those years of isolation, of quarantine, are coming home to haunt us. Now it turns out that the contempt for the rest of the world that it bred in Israeli Jews, extended to contempt for immigrant Jews as well.

The response of many Israelis to what appears to be officially sanctioned theft, exploitation, and ruin of the identities of immigrants to Israel, was terrifying in its good humor, with morning talk-show hosts making fun of their Hebrew, even as they made light of their plight.

…This is what I have learned about the government of this place, and many of the voters who put it there. Intelligent people who are too smart to be able to see themselves clearly, render themselves stupid.

And countries which cannot bear to look, even if they have good reasons, render themselves dangerous – first of all, to themselves.

This is not the country I first came to. But I still care about it, even if I know it may care much less than I would like, about me.

I have come to envy the people who hate Israel, because they cannot feel the tragedy in the phenomenal possibility, the depth and breadth of humanity that is going to waste here…

There is so much right about this analysis and it is so heartfelt and powerful that it is hard to find fault with it.  If I would criticize Burston’s position at all, he places the blame for his disillusion almost wholly on the current Likudist government. He’ll find no disagreement from me on that.  However, by implication he seems to be saying that a different Israeli government with a different set of parties in power might do better or differently.  I find this highly doubtful.  With the current set of parties and leaders, none have the capacity to lead Israel out of the wasteland in which it finds itself.

This nation is hopelessly lost in the wilderness like the Israelites led by Moses who wandered for forty years till they entered the land of Israel.  Latter-day Israel too has wandered for more than 40 years in the wilderness of Occupation.  They have no leader of the quality of Moses to lead them out of oblivion.  There is no Israeli de Klerk  (or Palestinian Mandela for that matter).  That is why I have come to despair of the ability of Israel unaided to correct its errors and put itself on the right track.  If this conflict is ever to be resolved it will only come from the forceful intervention of outside forces like the U.S., EU, UN and/or NATO.

I wish Brad Burston well and hope he will follow the logic of his own despair to some other place than the Sinai of liberal Zionism.  It will be a hard, painful journey.

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