Mahzor

New York Public Library

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Sarajevo Haggadah

Mah Nishtanah

Sarajevo haggadah

Antaea Darom

Israeli women's art

Action

Torah as music

Ben Heine

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ceramic bowl

Mohammad Said Kalash, "Offering Reconciliation" exhibit (photo: Ilan Amihai)

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Punch and Judy/Pinchas and Jamila

Avi Katz

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David Grossman

Ben Heine

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Eldrige Street shul

Lower East Side

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Dove

Ben Heine

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Two birds

Hoda Jamal

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Israeli and Palestinian boys

from documentary, Promises

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Cat in the Hat

Yiddish version

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Daylight through the Wall

Banksy: graffiti art on Separation Wall

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Maurice Sendak's Brundibar set

New Victory Theater (photo: Nan Melville/NYT)

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Daniel Barenboim, West-Eastern Divan Orchestra

Palestinian-Israeli musical ensemble (photo: Kerstin Joensson/AP)

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Great Day on Eldrige Street

N.Y.'s klezmer greats celebrate shul rededication (photo: Leo Sorel)

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Joint Appeal for Peace

(Avi Katz)

Joint Appeal for Peace

Ketubah, Ancona, Italy (1772)

(Jewish Theological Seminary library)

Ancona ketubah

Posts Tagged ‘larry-cohler-esses’

Cohler-Esses to Become Editor at The Forward

Wednesday, November 12th, 2008

My friend and once-in-a-while journalistic collaborator, Larry Cohler-Esses, has just accepted the number 2 job of assistant managing editor at The Forward. He’ll be leaving Jewish Week and starting his new position on December 1st.  This is part of the changing of the guard at the Forward, which involved J.J. Goldberg stepping down recently to be replaced by Jane Eisner.

Larry is one of the truly great Jewish investigative reporters (there aren’t many).  Unlike the writing of most Jewish journalists, his stories are deeply sourced and reported.  He probes the big issues and doesn’t pull punches as so many do (take that, JTA!).

This is a wonderful promotion for Larry.  And it will make a good newspaper even better.

To be perfectly candid, I criticize The Forward along with other Jewish publications when their journalism is lacking.  The former isn’t perfect.  In fact, sometimes it drives me around the bend (a case in point is its acceptance of Republican Jewish Coalition anti-Obama smear ads).  But despite this, The Forward is one of the best national Jewish papers.  And Larry will make it even better I expect.

So mazel tov, Larry. You deserve it.

New Yorker Magazine’s Kramer Takes On Abu El-Haj’s Pro-Israel Defamers

Wednesday, April 9th, 2008

It’s not often one gets mentioned in The New Yorker as my blog did today, so I’m wearing a small intellectual glow. I used to read the magazine religiously back when I was a literature major in college and grad school. I read it from cover to cover. I can still remember vividly profiles by John McPhee and Pauline Kael’s remarkable film reviews. I’m trippin’.

Jane Kramer writes a long article, The Petition: Israel, Palestine, and a Tenure Battle at Barnard, about Nadia Abu El Haj’s ultimately successful battle for tenure at Barnard College. It profiles her anthropological research and the pro-Israel detractors who made her tenure process a cause celebre for the Israel-First crowd. Many of you know that I devoted considerable time, energy and words to this subject before she earned tenure. I thought a gross injustice was being perpetrated by the Campus Watch-Frontpagemagazine crowd and that the Barnard anthropologist deserved someone monitoring the campaign against her, which was what I did.

Kramer notes that this blog was one of the first to take up the cause, something of which I’m very proud:

Stern’s facts were wrong. Within a few months, she was exposed in the progressive Zionist blog Tikun Olam and in the Jewish press–most notably in the Jewish Week…

She goes on to credit Larry Cohler-Esses’ work there in unmasking Stern’s vilification and falsehoods. I’m also proud of the teamwork between myself and Cohler-Esses which advanced this story, though I want to make clear that Larry did all his own research and drew his own conclusions. Hell, he even spent 10 days wading through Facts on the Ground for which he deserves a medal since it is a VERY DENSE text. Even I didn’t do that.

Kramer doesn’t note the critical role played by Jesse Walker of Reason Magazine. While I was already interested in Abu El Haj’s battle, Jesse first brought to my attention the deliberate misquotations of the academic’s work by her opponents. This in turn opened up the subject in a way it might not have otherwise done. Jesse published his research in his publication.

Abu El Haj new yorker cartoon

The New Yorker story is interesting not just for its recap of the tenure battle, but because the author puts that battle in the context of a furious tug of war taking place in higher education over academic freedom and the right of third party advocacy groups to intervene in the tenure process and inject political considerations into scholarly discourse.

I never thought of this analogy until just now, but it appears to me that what Campus Watch and Paula Stern did was akin to the Terry Schiavo circus. In the latter case, a group of religious fanatics with a vested interest attempted to intervene in both a personal family tragedy and a medical process out of which they should’ve kept their noses. Their effort demeaned the family involved and dragged the field of medicine into a political arena in which it had no business being. I’d argue that the Schiavo fiasco contributed significantly to the Republican defeat in the 2006 elections.

The Abu El Haj detractors have paid no such price. In fact, they’ve gone on to new targets of opportunity in their propaganda battle on behalf of Israel. But articles like Kramer’s and efforts like mine help shine a light on such smearmongering so that it may be discredited even more firmly the next time it rears its ugly head.

I thought one particular section of Kramer’s essay was particularly evocative and helpful in understanding the political motivations of Abu El Haj’s opponents. Here she quotes Jonathan Boyarin, an Orthodox Jewish academic and friend of the Barnard professor:

Sometimes, I think the Jews who attack Nadia are really grasping at the idea that Israel is THE standard of Jewish life and faith–so, for them, defending Israel, even against scholarly debate, becomes the way to express Jewishness. I haven’t advanced much in my understanding of this kind of anxiety. But I know that if you’re looking for a reasoned, progressive scholar who’s on the same side as those guys, you’re not going to find him.

This is an important epiphany. The mission of Campus Watch and Paula Stern has everything to do with Jewish identity (and a narrowly defined identity at that) and little or nothing to do with academics. That is why their efforts should be derided and disqualified by the academy.

Pipes reinforces the intolerance and extremism of his approach in this passage:

…I very much dispute the notion that academics cannot function freely and be accountable at the same time. It doesn’t come free, this very special set of privileges they have, and there’s nothing to be said for the abstracted position that they can disdain the public, the students, and only engage with each other. They are financed by the public and are thus accountable in some way to the public. They say, No, only we can judge and evaluate each other’s work. Well, that’s not how things work in this country.

This is a profoundly important distillation of Pipes’ anti-intellectual philosophy. The academy is not to be trusted with decisions affecting itself. The public and its representatives like Pipes are the best judges of what is best for the academy since they take into account not just academic needs, but society at large’s needs. I can’t think of a much more pernicious approach, one that is more inimical to the very foundations of scholarly inquiry and academic freedom, than this.

While I tend to think that Kramer bent over backwards to portray Abu El Haj in the most favorable light possible, in this passage she finds a weakness in the latter’s work which bothered me during my entire time writing about this. Kramer notes:

…a tendency to reduce the complexities of Zionism to colonial terms…

I think this idea deserved amplification because it does deeply inform Facts on the Ground and renders it a less persuasive critique than it might otherwise have been. There is too much dismissive ideological grandstanding and speech that trumpets an academic anti-colonial approach that detracts rather than amplifies.

There were a few moments in reading the New Yorker piece when I thought the author stretched too far in portraying Abu El Haj as a mainstream academic figure:

[Virginia] Dominguez [Abu El Haj's dissertation advisor] says that Facts on the Ground was received by Israeli social scientists “not as a scathing critique but as right in line with what they were doing there.”

In fact, I have read no Israeli social scientists who defended Abu El Haj’s work. I’m not saying there aren’t any since I don’t read Israeli academic publications. I AM saying that there were many Israeli academics, especially archaeologists, who reacted with high moral dudgeon to her attacks on them. Again, I’m not saying their views were correct or justified. But I believe we should call a spade a spade and not ignore the academic uproar her work caused in certain Israeli circles, as both Kramer and Dominguez seem to do. [NOTE: Ms. Kramer informs me that the Columbia Spectator does feature comments by Israeli academics who support Abu El Haj's work, so I stand corrected on that score.]

A tidbit: those of you who follow the Jewish right will enjoy Charles Jacob’s (founder of the David Project) description of himself as a “classic liberal.”

I wish there had been a little more in Kramer’s article about the mysterious “Hugh Fitzgerald” who wrote the Frontpagemagzine-Campus Watch article which helped fuel the tenure battle.  Personally, I don’t believe that Fitzgerald is a real person. I would love for Kramer to have gone back to that original story and researched its origins further, including Fitzgerald’s real identity.  [NOTE: Ms. Kramer informs me that she made a considerable effort to do just that and was ultimately unsuccessful.]

A note about the New Yorker cartoon above: I thought it was an interesting and powerful evocation of the conflict. It portrays the lone academic standing on the steps of Columbia’s Low Library (precisely where the Alma Mater statue normally sits), battling against political forces outside herself and the campus. In that sense it conveys well some of the issues involved. But it also misses something important. While Abu El Haj may see herself as purely an academic and scholar, in her work she does take a political position. She is engaged in the debate though perhaps in a more nuanced way than Pipes or Stern. If she was not engaged, then she would have used a different set of rhetorical tropes to describe Israeli archaeological practice than she did. Again, I’m not saying there is anything wrong with her being engaged in this way. But I think that everyone needs to put all their cards on the table and in this battle none of the parties have fully done so, though Abu El Haj has done so much more transparently than her enemies.

Thanks to Seth Flaxman and Dan Sieradski for almost simulateneously notifying me about my 20 seconds of New Yorker fame.

Yerushalmi Opposes ‘Raw Democracy’ in Israel and U.S.

Friday, August 24th, 2007

David Yerushalmi replied to the charges leveled against him here and in Larry Cohler Esses’ article in Jewish Week. He doesn’t deny that he opposes democracy in Israel and the U.S. But he clarifies his meaning:

…Your “journalists” lead the story with the statement that I oppose “democracy” in the US and Israel, without any hint of an explanation of what that means in context.

…There is a clear distinction between raw or radical democracy and what we in the US adopted at our founding: a constitutional republic based on federalism…The founding fathers themselves of course opposed “democracy” in its simple form and created a wonderfully elaborate system to shield government from mass democracy (you of course are aware that neither the president, the judiciary, or even senators were elected by the direct vote under our Constitution [note the 17th Amendment]).

He expands on his rejection of “raw democracy” in another passage:

Mr. Yerushalmi criticizes…raw or radical democracy where all men and all ideas and all cultures are deemed equal and given equal voice. That is of course the agenda of the Left (and often blindly supported by “conservatives”) which attempts at every turn to destroy national sovereignty with a One World Government.

There you have it. David Yerushalmi doesn’t believe in the 17th amendment and prefers returning to the Constitution circa 1789. You see, we’ve allowed too many of the unwashed masses like former slaves and Arab-Americans to enter into our democratic processes. Even we Jews have infected the body politic with our leftist notions. They shouldn’t vote for U.S. senators nor even for president. Best to return to that time in history when Blacks equalled 3/5 of a white person and Southern whites got to increase their voting power by subsuming that 3/5 into their own voting bloc.

To be fair, we should allow David Yerushalmi to reply to my own attack on him. Note the honeyed tones of pseudo graciousness which are applied to those who call him out for what he is:

Dear Mr. Silverstein:

I find it interesting that you would attack me so viciously without first reaching out to dialogue since you have done so with the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.

To label someone a Supremacist or racist is fine as long as the facts would support it. Rather than just take quotes out of context, I would have thought that a man so devoted to peace and dialogue would have at least extended to me the courtesy to inquire of me whether your understanding of my views was in fact correct.

Then, you could have said that indeed went right to the source and have determined that Yerushalmi is x, y, z. That you drew conclusions of this sort without any such effort speaks volumes, does it not?

All the best,

David Yerushalmi

Keep in mind this guy thinks I’m a member of the extreme left, a traitor to all he holds dear, and dangerous for the Brave New World he’s planning. Keep in mind that he has a plan for what he’d do for people like me (and probably you) and it probably involves incarceration at places like Guantanamo and a little electric current running under the fingertips. Why he thinks I would find it useful to dialogue with him is beyond me. But he’s welcome to participate here as long as he can keep a civil tongue in his mouth.

One point that Yerushalmi raises that is valid is his discussion of Israeli democracy. He is right in the limited sense that there is an outright contradiction in the way Israel currently balances its commitments to democracy and being a Jewish state. To Yerushalmi’s way of thinking there is no possible way to bridge the divide and Israel must shed democracy in order to hold true to its real mission as a state of the Jewish people. This would include eliminating (by expulsion or perhaps more extreme measures) those Arab citizens who could not accept Israeli supremacism and Arab subjugation.

A racist Jewish state like the one Yerushalmi envisions precludes the possibility that Israel could be a state that guarantees equality to ALL its citizens while protecting the religious and political rights of all as well. My vision would be a different Israel than the current system which Yerushalmi correctly notes discriminates against its non-Jewish citizens. It might be a system closer to our own with a constitution guaranteeing equal rights to all citizens and specifying what those rights are and how they are to be protected. And it would be a BETTER Israel both for its Jewish and non-Jewish inhabitants.

American Jewish Media: Doubts About Israel’s War

Friday, July 21st, 2006

Something remarkable is happening within elements of the American Jewish media regarding the Israeli invasion of Lebanon. Except for The Forward, and rarely Jewish Week, I don’t usually find much value in coverage of Israeli politics and the country’s relations with its Arab neighbors, including the Palestinians. I do review these publications in hopes that I’ll find something provocative and penetrating on the subject. Usually I’m disappointed. But not today.

Jewish Week’s current issue has not one but two articles which express doubt about the path Israel has chosen in Lebanon. And one of them is an editorial. I find the fact that the editor is willing to express doubts to be refreshing and heartening. It is unusual for the American Jewish community to express any doubts about Israeli policy at any time, but especially during a wartime situation.

Yes, there are the obligatory partisan pieces in this issue whose titles reveal their prejudices:

Fighting Hezbollah Time: Israel struggling to deal knockout blow before international pressure forces ceasefire

For Israelis, How Far to Go? As civilian casualties rise, country balances goal of destroying Hezbollah with fear of overkill [that one is a real laugher]

Samson the Nebbish Turns Tough

Marshalling the Pro-Israel Forces

This is the unquestioning, timid Jewish press I’ve always known. But something else is also afoot there.

The editorial begins with an eye-opening quotation from Thomas Jefferson which applies a lesson that should be learned both about Lebanon and Iraq:

In 1815, Thomas Jefferson wrote a letter to a friend, noting that though the union over which he had presided was still struggling, he envisioned an era in which America’s might would rise unchallenged.

“Not in our day, but at no distant one,” he wrote, “we may shake a rod over the heads of all, which may make the stoutest of them tremble.

“But I hope our wisdom will grow with our power,” he added, “and teach us, that the less we use our power, the greater it will be.”

Jefferson’s words come to mind as Israel once again finds itself entangled in a conflict it did not start and which has no clear outcome…

Beyond the need to show its power, Israel’s leaders must think clearly about how best to achieve three primary goals: bring back the kidnapped soldiers; defeat or marginalize Hezbollah beyond a brief cease-fire; and stabilize the Lebanese government, which can be an ally for Israel.

Bombing the Lebanese infrastructure will not bring back the kidnapped soldiers. It may prevent Hezbollah from operating openly and receiving supplies and more rockets, but it also inflicts civilian casualties, however unintended, and turns the Lebanese people’s fear of and resentment toward Hezbollah into rage against Israel…

Our concern is that Israel not repeat the mistakes of the last war it fought in Lebanon, which began in 1982 with what seemed to be a quick, forceful and popular effort to push back the terrorists attacking Israel’s northern border, but lasted for 18 years…

Whatever actions Israel takes today must be weighed in the context of the past, and future, as well as the present. Even as it uses its military power, Israel should be pursuing a diplomatic option, one that will secure its well being by giving the struggling Lebanese government the resources and the guidance it needs to resist the pressures of Hezbollah and any other state that might be supporting it. Such an effort, backed by the might of the international community, could stabilize Lebanon and ensure a vital Lebanese-Israeli alliance.

Israel has long ago proven that it can, to paraphrase Jefferson, shake its rod and make even the stoutest of its enemies tremble. But now is the time for wisdom as well as power, an opportunity to validate Jefferson’s sentiments, proving that strength is at its peak when it is used most discriminately.

jewish week screenshot
Though this is quite tame and moderate stuff by the standards of my own blog, it really is quite remarkable in the context of how much dissent and doubt the American Jewish media usually allow themselves concerning Israel.

Larry Cohler-Esses, one of Jewish Week’s editors, also wrote Experts: Force Alone Won’t Stop Hezbollah, which analyzes Israeli strategy against Hezbollah with a sharply critical eye:

…Some prominent military experts and diplomatic analysts are raising serious doubts about the ability of the campaign to achieve the goals Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert initially set for it. These include the return of the kidnapped Israeli soldiers; an end to the rain of rockets on Israel; the disarming of Hezbollah; and a pullback of the terror group’s militia from its positions on the border with Israel and the deployment of Lebanese soldiers there to exercise state control over the area.

“There’s no way you can achieve those war aims with the present pattern of use of force by Israel,” said Lt. Gen. William Odom, who directed the National Security Agency during the Reagan administration. “If they’re bombing infrastructure and doing these punishing raids into Beirut, they’re essentially going to turn Lebanon into a failed state. And if they do that, the state is certainly not going to put an army down on the border.”

Aaron David Miller, who served as a senior State Department Middle East negotiator from the administration of George H.W. Bush through that of his son, recalled earlier, similar military campaigns in South Lebanon that failed to achieve their objectives.

“Israel is now faced with a strategic reality that will be very hard to address with military means alone,” said Miller, now a scholar at the Woodrow Wilson Center in Washington. “Unless Israel is prepared to occupy the entire country, there is no way it can destroy Hezbollah’s capability. They know it. And the longer the crisis continues, the more apparent this will be.”

William Lind, a leading theorist on non-conventional warfare and a consultant on the Marines’ bible on the topic, the Small Wars Manual, said, “The way Israel has described its war aims—destroying Hezbollah and Hamas—has guaranteed it won’t attain its objectives. They’re almost certain to come out the loser, with Hezbollah showing it can stand up to a state across a border.”

…These critics…question the fundamental efficacy of Israel’s military strategy for achieving its goals. With more than 400 Lebanese, mostly civilians, killed as a result of Israel’s bombings, and at least 29 dead on the Israeli side, the importance of effectiveness also has a moral dimension…

Critics raised multiple concerns about the ability of Israel’s bombing campaign to meet its goals. Among other things, they doubted the ability of the campaign to deeply dent Hezbollah’s supply of rockets, or its ability to obtain resupplies from Syria and Iran—its patrons—once the bombing stops.

Hezbollah does not store its rockets and weapons in armories, they noted. Instead, they are hidden in hundreds, perhaps thousands, of small homes, garages, sheds and farms over widely dispersed areas. Without Israeli soldiers on the ground able to go from door-to-door, this poses an almost insurmountable intelligence and logistical challenge that bombings are unlikely to overcome, said these critics.

Many of these critics also voiced concern that Israel’s bombing campaign—affecting millions, Shiite and non-Shiite—and the ability of Hezbollah to withstand it after the success of its cross-border raid, would only rally the Lebanese to its side, rather than isolate it.

“It shows other Muslims Hezbollah has a unique ability to stand against Israel, and Lebanese Christians that it’s a force you don’t want to cross,” said Lind. If, after this, Hezbollah simply survives, he said, “it will be a great victory.”

These articles prove that there are cracks in the foundation of the Jewish community’s normally ironclad support for Israeli policy. And all I can say is: “Thank God.” Someone is thinking for themselves rather than publishing Aipac’s cheerleading talking points. Now, if only someone at the Defense or Foreign Ministries in Israel were reading and understanding what’s being said by Diapora communities about this costly misadventure.

Iran Yellow Star Hoax: Hardline Jewish Groups and Neo-Cons Gin Up War Against Iran

Friday, June 16th, 2006

I just read a follow up by Larry Cohler-Esses in The Nation to his Jewish Week story about the bogus report that Iran planned to force Jews to wear a Nazi-like yellow stripe on their clothing. So many able progressive bloggers have covered this story so I don’t want to go over ground that’s already been plowed. But there are some interesting Jewish angles to this story that haven’t been fully amplified yet.

The Jewish star fraud was perpetrated by a neocon darling, Iranian-born Amir Taheri. The latter is represented by another neocon PR outfit, Benador Associates, which placed the article in the Canadian National Post, a paper owned by the Asper family. The Aspers are supporters of Israeli hardline politics and so it’s no wonder they ran the story.

Benador Associates seems to represent just about anyone who’s anyone in the neo-con movement. Their “member list” reads like a Who’s Who of Bush Administration/Aipac-friendly insiders. Just a few of the pertinent names prominent in hardline pro-Israel politics: David Gelertner, Charles Jacobs (DAVID Project), Charles Krauthammer, Michael Ledeen, Martin Kramer, Richard Pipes, Richard Perle, A.M. Rosenthal, Yossi Olmert, Natan Sharansky, Dennis Prager. Eleana Benador, the company’s founder, is a former director of Daniel Pipes hard-right Middle East Forum.

Taylor Marsh, who first broke Yellow Star story, reports that a National Post reporter faxed Rabbi Abraham Cooper of the Wiesenthal Center asking him to confirm Taheri’s story before it was published. Marsh quotes Cooper as confirming in his reply that the report was indeed true (“Dear John, [Cooper] wrote, ‘The story is absolutely true’”). I’ve never trusted anything the Wiesenthal Center or Abraham Cooper have ever said or done. Now, in case I needed a reminder, I remembered the reason why. Cooper clearly has no interest in accuracy or fairness. For him, the fact that Iran’s government and its president are raving lunatic anti-Semites (which they are) means they are fair game for anything that we Jews can throw at them whether it’s true or not:

[Cooper] stressed that ‘the central point for our community and government to focus on, based on the history and theology of Iran, is that legislation could very well mean color coding for minorities, Christians and Jews.’

Rabbi Cooper added that “when you deal with Iran, you never have a totally transparent scenario . . . . We must deal with a regime that now uses Holocaust denial, threats against Israel and anti-Semitism as part of the prism through which we look at events in Iran.”

Translation: when you’re dealing with pure evil all bets are off and you’re forgiven for using lies to combat it. Personally, I don’t have a problem with labeling the Iranian president as evil. But that certainly doesn’t justify lying about this matter in order to sully the country’s reputation. And furthermore, it doesn’t justify going to war against the country as many neocons and right-wing Jewish groups wish to do.

Cohler-Esses quotes Eleana Benador too using virtually the same defense in explaining why her support for Taheri is justified despite his journalistic sins:

Benador…was impatient with dissections of his work. Terming accuracy with regard to Iran “a luxury,” she said, “My major concern is the large picture. Is Taheri writing one or two details that are not accurate? This is a guy who is putting his life at stake.” She noted that “the Iranian government has killed its opponents.” Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad “says he wants to destroy Israel. He says the Holocaust never happened…. As much as being accurate is important, in the end it’s important to side with what’s right. What’s wrong is siding with the terrorists.”

Any editor who ever accepts another article placement from a Benador client needs to have their head examined. At the very least every single media outlet that uses something from them better exercise due diligence before publishing unless they want egg on their face like the National Post. And why the hell anyone would ever again publish anything by Taheri is beyond me. Buyer beware.

Stock in the neocon enterprise is falling by the day with every new Iraqi suicide bombing and American death there. The Taheri fraud certainly can’t help. What does it say about the integrity of a movement when one of its journalist-darlings–its resident native-born Iranian mullah-hater–is caught out like this?

Which brings me to Aipac’s role in the drumbeat for war against Iran. Formally, Aipac will tell you they’re not making a case for war, which is bogus. They’re doing everything but calling overtly for that outcome. In a May, 2003 Forward article, Mark Perelman notes that Aipac is not only calling for “regime change” (that phrase has blessedly fallen from favor in the aftermath of our quagmire-like failure in Iraq), it’s calling for restoration of the monarchy! I kid you not:

A budding coalition of conservative hawks, Jewish organizations and Iranian monarchists is pressing the White House to step up American efforts to bring about regime change in Iran.

…Neoconservatives advocating regime change in Tehran through diplomatic pressure — and even covert action — appear to be winning the debate within the administration, several knowledgeable observers said.

“There is a pact emerging between hawks in the administration, Jewish groups and Iranian supporters of Reza Pahlavi [the exiled son of the former shah of Iran] to push for regime change,” said Pooya Dayanim, president of the Iranian-Jewish Public Affairs Committee in Los Angeles and a hawk on Iran.

The emerging coalition is reminiscent of the buildup to the invasion of Iraq, with Pahlavi possibly assuming the role of Iraqi exile opposition leader Ahmed Chalabi, a favorite of neoconservatives. Like Chalabi, Pahlavi has good relations with several Jewish groups. He has addressed the board of the hawkish Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs and gave a public speech at the Simon Wiesenthal Center’s Museum of Tolerance in Los Angeles, and met with Jewish communal leaders.

Sure, one can argue that this is old news. But to me it establishes a pattern indicating Aipac has favored a military solution to the Iran “problem” for some time. And since this article appeared, the Iran nuclear program has given them a hook to hang their hat on.

Taylor Marsh also notes that Taheri’s article appeared in the National Post in the same week as Ehud Olmert traveled to Washington DC to, among other things, gin up further hysteria about Iran’s nuclear program. Marsh wondered whether the two incidents could’ve been coincidences. Who’s to say? But the hysteria Taheri attempted to invoke through his hoax would seem to provide a perfect lead-in for Olmert’s efforts to rally U.S. public opinion and Bush Administration policy in favor of military action against Iran.

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