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Mohammad Said Kalash, "Offering Reconciliation" exhibit (photo: Ilan Amihai)

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from documentary, Promises

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Joint Appeal for Peace

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Posts Tagged ‘haaretz’

Hey, MSM: What Are We, Chopped Liver?

Monday, November 15th, 2010

chopped liverThis post is a meditation on the relationship between blogs and the mainstream media in this narrow niche of the blogosphere related to the Arab-Israeli conflict.    What are we to them?  What are they to us?  Do we want to join ‘em?  Can we even if we wanted to?  Do we want them to join us?  Would they even if they could?  Do we want to write for ‘em?  Is it worth the trouble?  Will they come to us anyway if our reporting is vital and exclusive enough?

I’m like most ambitious political bloggers…I have a strong point of view and I not only want my readers to know it, but I want to reach the broadest possible audience.  And in my case I want to do this not only here, but in Israel and really anywhere in the world that the conflict is major political currency.  I relish my opportunities to commune with a larger audience.  Until a year ago or so, I had a semi-regular gig doing that at Comment is Free.  When that ended, I had a short-lived gig at Al Jazeera English until Firas Atrachi left his editor’s job there.  For some time after those outlets stopped being interested in my work, I was not only frustrated and upset, I aggressively sought out other opportunities.  I even got as far as a kill fee (but only after I asked for it upon rejection) for a piece commissioned by the London Review of Books!

And don’t get me wrong, I would go a long way for such gigs.  But I’ve developed a grudging acceptance that my place may not be in the more MSM (and within this I unfortunately include the progressive media outlets which also uniformly have rejected my work).  At least not as a bylined author.  There may be many reasons for this.  Maybe they’re important and worth cogitating about and maybe not.

In at least two recent instances, editors asked me to write pieces on spec for them without making any commitment that it would be published.  I turned them down.  I think those days are over.  Gee, it would be nice to be published in a certain progressive national Jewish journal, but not if it first requires a crapshoot, not knowing if what I slave over will end up in print or in someone’s Deleted Items folder.  Either it’s because I’m somehow beyond that or now I have the bully pulpit of this blog in a way I didn’t have until recently (more on this in the following paragraph).

Just because something I want like publication in the mainstream doesn’t happen doesn’t leave me by the wayside.  In some sense, since the Anat Kamm story, I have found a focus for my work that I did not have previously.  Now I understand that one of my most important contributions (thanks to an important collaborator) will be in tracking the vicissitudes of Israeli democracy through the particular lens of national security and its intelligence services.  Who watches the spooks?  In Israel, not terribly many.

But let’s return to how this post originated: I spend more time promoting this blog on Facebook than on Twitter since it seems to generate more traffic and more readers appear to be on Facebook and interact with the blog from it.  So last night, I did something I do very rarely.  I reviewed those 475 Twitter followers I have.  And I was struck by something interesting.  Quite a number of them were journalists.  Yes, some were NGO staffers, one even a retired CEO of a major medical technology company, another a Jewish federation executive, and pretty dubiously the SecyClintonBlog (NOTE: sincere apologies to Stacy Beam, who created this blog, which has no affiliation with the State Dept., and who does not approve of Clinton’s approach to the I-P conflict).

But the journalists were what interested me since I’d already noticed a number of journalists who subscribed to this blog.  One of most unlikely ones would appear to be the Israel correspondent for a certain American cable news company that is extremely fair and balanced.  Not sure what she expects to find here unless perhaps stories that she can tell her New York bosses she would never cover.

Well, perhaps that subscriber is a bit more likely than the assistant coach for a certain NBA team that recently deserted Seattle (no fault of his, I might add) for greener pastures.  I was also tickled that during my coverage of the Uri Blau-Anat Kamm story, Haaretz editor Dov Alfon started following my Tweets.  I have no way of knowing whether this is true (though someone I respect who is quite cautious about these matters affirmed his conviction that it is true), but Alfon may possibly also have posted a critical comment on my coverage here using the rather elegant nom de plume of Schockentchick (as in “apparatchik”), which I at first glance misread as “Schocken chick,” leading me to wonder why a female Haaretz reporter would refer to herself in such an odd way.

Others that are more standard and follow this blog in some fashion include reporters for the BBC, The Independent, Haaretz, Jerusalem Post (and even a very senior editor, sha-shtill!), Time Magazine, Maan News, 7th Eye, PRI’s The World, and Think Progress.

While I was looking over this list I thought to myself: instead of following me, why don’t you actually incorporate more of my point of view into your reporting?  When you look at some of the most prominent correspondents for the more reputable publications and look at who their informants are it makes one’s eyes glaze over.  Yesterday, I linked to a piece by Josh Rogin at Foreign Policy on the settlement freeze extension negotiation.  Who was his main informant?  Robert Wexler.  I kid you not.  Wexler was Obama’s Florida’s Jewish errand boy for the last election campaign and left Congress nearly two years ago and for some reason is still a valued commentator.  Not that I would begrudge Wexler if he had anything in the least illuminating to say.  But it was the same standard, boring, soft-core drivel that you hear over and over from Administration hacks (or was that “flacks?”) who are spinning for one master or another.

Ethan Bronner too has been a pet peeve of mine in these pages as someone who drones on and often producing neither heat nor light.  Why are these people afraid of introducing into the mix viewpoints less often heard?  Of course, part of the reason is that the reporters themselves have a very limited range of vision for their subject and therefore naturally wouldn’t even think that a more challenging voice should be incorporated into the mix.

I should take a modest step back here to acknowledge that since I’ve begun reporting more intensively on Israeli intelligence matters my blog has been picked up more widely in sources like the N.Y. Times and all the major Israeli publications with the exception of the erstwhile liberal one, Haaretz (go figure).  I’ve been interviewed and/or profiled by media in Switzerland, Turkey, Russia, and Israel.  In a sense I even owe that hated emblem of Iraq-era reporting, Judith Miller, a major shout out.  She discovered my reporting on Anat Kamm and featured it in The Daily Beast.  Yes, I’m sorry to say that at times in this day and age it requires a celebrity journalist to really break a story.  And sometimes you even learn to trust a reporter whose politics you may disagree with to do the right thing on this particular story.  Had she not taken this up, the Israeli press wouldn’t have reached a critical mass of publicly-expressed ridicule that led to the Shabak relenting on Kamm’s gag order.  Had they not done so, who knows whether Kamm might still be under secret detention facing a life sentence.

Another post that spurred some of my thinking on this was Phil Weiss’ report of a talk given by the estimable Israeli blogger and freelance journalist, Noam Sheizaf of Promised Land.  Noam seems to really be feeling to power of his own blog to impact the public political and media discourse, which led him to say (I’m including some of Phil’s set-up):

He [Noam] told us of his own success. Reporters at the New York Times and Politico follow him on twitter; this would have been incomprehensible to him as a young journalist, that he would ever have that type of influence inside the Beltway:

“And this is what I wanted, to have a political impact. Blogging is not just reporting, it is engaged reporting. We are engaged in an internal battle in Israel. I’m using these tools of facebook and twitter to push something…

“I live-blogged [the flotilla] for four days from the Hebrew media. Traffic to my site went up ten times. [It took the IDF five hours to get out its version of the story.] And those five  hours framed much of how the story was handled and Israel has done damage control since then. And I understand why Hamas has said, the flotilla is better than 10,000 rockets.”

Sheizaf’s pieces have been linked by the The Washington Post and The New York Times, but those links are chopped liver next to Glenn Greenwald. “When Glenn Greenwald said, go to this guy on Twitter– Glenn Greenwald is like a mega important person on the net, who is hardly known in the mainstream… Social media changes everything in the game.”

I should make clear that while I’m very sympathetic to Noam’s narrative and believed it at one time myself (and in fact, wrote a chapter, The Blogging Wars, for the Independent Jewish Voices book, A Time to Speak Out, on precisely this subject making almost precisely this claim), I’m no longer so sure he’s right.  Or at least, not so sure he’s right in the way he thinks he is.

Yes, as bloggers we are earning a larger share of the “pie” of public attention for our reporting.  This is happening, in my estimation, because of the desperation of current political circumstances which are turning both the MSM and their normal readers to new and different alternative sources.  It’s also happening because more and more the mainstream reporters don’t have the goods and we do.  We’re breaking stories that either they used to break, or that they can’t break, or that their editors have no interest in letting them break.

But I’m not sure that we’re really impacting the MSM in any real or serious way.  That we’re impacting the overall discourse, of that I am sure.  But really how much does having a NY Times or Politico reporter follow you on Twitter indicate in terms of whether you’re penetrating the Beltway political haze?  And yes, Glenn Greenwald, when he does report on the conflict does excellent work, but he hardly seems engaged in any serious way with the work of those of us who are on the firing line doing this sort of original reporting.  That Greenwald plugged Noam’s Twitter feed is terrific.  But how much does it all mean?

So, my main question to all of you is what do we as bloggers with distinctive, important political voices  rarely heard in the mainstream want from them?  What do we have the right to expect?  And how should we go about getting it?  My conviction is that there is now a critical mass of progressive blog reporting on the Israeli-Arab conflict that deserves wider circulation and prominence.  Some of us like Ali Abunimah seem to make their own breaks and turn their operations into spectacularly successful platforms to disseminate their perspective.  Others of us seem to fight and struggle for every scrap of recognition that comes our way.  My question is how do we do more of the former and less of the latter?  How do we make those breaks for ourselves? Or will those breaks come to those of us who, to parapharse Milton, serve by standing and waiting, all the while doing the hard slog of reporting those stories that no one else can, or knows how to report?

IDF Investigates Commander in al-Samouni Gaza Massacre

Sunday, October 24th, 2010
col. ilan malka accused of ordering al samouni massacre

Col. Ilan Malka, under investigation for ordering al-Samouni massacre (Dudu Azoulay)

Several months ago, the IDF announced publicly that it had begun investigations into two senior commanders for decisions they made during Operation Cast Lead which had been specifically singled out by the Goldstone Report as potential war crimes.  The Haaretz article reporting this, specifically mentioned one inquiry involved the use of white phosphorus against military rules in a civilian area.  That report, it turns out was incomplete.

In the past days, the IDF revealed that the second officer, Givati brigade commander Col. Ilan Malka, was responsible for the sector in which the al-Samouni clan was massacred on January 5, 2009, resulting in the deaths of nearly 30 family members taking refuse in a building to which they had been directed by Molko’s troops.  Molko specifically approved the IAF missile attack on their compound.  Before he approved the strike, several air force officers warned him that the target site might contain civilians, a warning he ignored.  Malka himself denied he had received such a warning.

For this, he is being investigated by the military prosecutor general, who has not yet decided whether to pursue any charges against him.  It should be noted that there have already been two military investigations of the al-Samouni incident in which the IDF found nothing remiss in its troops actions.  The first cleared troops of any wrongdoing.  But after the Goldstone Report singled out this assault as one of the three worst potential breaches of the laws of war that occurred during the Operation, the IDF tried again.  This time the second investigation suggested that the prosecutor take a further look at the matter.  No guarantee that anything will come of this.  But at least there is some accountability in the sense that an officer has been publicly named as being responsible for the carnage, even if he is never officially penalized for it.

al samouni family mourns dead

Al-Samouni family survivors mourn their dead (AP)

An Amira Hass article in yesterday’s Haaretz described the events that transpired to put the Samouni in the target sites of an Israeli jet.  Her account makes clear that there are officers even higher up the chain of command who bear responsibility for the grievous errors of judgment that precipitated the attack.

The day before the incident the IDF had directed 100 members of the family to evacuate a large home in which they had congregated and instead to transfer to another family residence it had already searched and cleared.  The Givati troops turned the first home into an outpost that was located some 90 feet from the second building.  After they moved, the Samounis presumed they would be safe from attack since the IDF would know their whereabouts and spare them.

Here is what led to the series of fateful blunders ending in the family’s massacre:

Several of the Samouni men even left the house on Monday morning (January 5 ) to collect wood for a fire, hoping to bake pita and heat up tea…

A small wooden structure stood next to the house, and several of the men apparently began climbing onto it to take apart the boards. This activity was seen in drone photographs shown on the screen in the war room headquarters, which according to testimony obtained by Breaking the Silence is of poorer quality than the screen before the person operating the aircraft.

In the war room, the poles the men were holding were taken to be RPGs (rocket-propelled grenades ) and the people carrying them were marked as a squad of terrorists who should be shot immediately. First the group of men outside the house was struck. They ran into the home, which was then struck twice. The structure was not destroyed, but because it was so crowded inside, dozens were killed and wounded.

Hass analyzes the technical failures that led to the decision to fire missiles on a house packed with civilians whom IDF troops had ordered there to begin with:

Until now, the order to bomb a house full of civilians has been explained and understood as an ostensibly legitimate interpretation on the part of the brigade commander of drone photographs displayed on the screen in the war room. According to the findings of human rights organizations and Haaretz investigations, during the course of Cast Lead many other civilians were killed and wounded by aerial strikes, in a similar process: based on how drone photos on war-room screens were interpreted.

The many incidents described in the human rights organizations’ reports indicate that the drone photographs are not as precise or clear as they are said to be, or that the technology considered “objective” also depends on commanders’ interpretation: Children playing on the roof are liable to be regarded as “scouts,” people trying to speak to their relatives over the phone are liable to be “signal operators for a terrorist brigade,” and families that went to the garden to feed the goats, squads of Qassam launchers.

In the case of the Samounis, the possibility of cross-referencing sophisticated technological information with human information from the field was available…

In this case, Malka was essentially warned by air force personnel that what they were seeing on the drone screens might not be what the commander thought it was.  It is a clear case of a commander in the field who is unaware of the deficiencies of the technology on which he is basing his judgments (or aware of them and proceeding anyway), placing too much trust in blurry pictures viewed by someone in a remote war room.  Further, it is crystal clear that Malka’s own troops had placed the family in the target location and somehow this intelligence was not passed to him.  No matter how this happened, whether it was Malka’s fault or that of the troops who moved the family, it is the commander’s ultimate responsibility and a grievous one.  In an army that was serious about accountability, such an officer would be relieved of his command.

Making matters worse, Malka explicitly ordered that no ambulances would be allowed in his zone of operations.  He feared they might be exploited by Hamas to capture his troops.  Testimony from veterans of Cast Lead to Breaking the Silence reveal at least four Gaza civilians bled to death after being shot by Givati soldiers under Malka’s command.  One family testified that a week after a member was injured they finally managed to walk the two miles to a rendezvous point where they met an ambulance (since none were allowed in the Givati sector).

And further testimony on this score:

According to one soldier who spoke with Breaking the Silence, brigade commander Malka insisted that if there were wounded, they should be taken on foot. But according to many reports from the field, sometimes even convoys of civilians were not allowed to progress on foot and the soldiers fired at them.

Haaretz reports that Malka’s boss and the IDF chief of staff-designate, Gen. Yoav Galant, lobbied against the current investigation, which certainly raises questions about his integrity and desire to sweep the matter under the rug.

We will see whether there is impunity or accountability in the ranks of the IDF over this incident.  No doubt the IDF wishes to do just enough but no more to mollify its international critics.  The prosecutor will make a big show of examining the evidence, may even call Malka and others to testify.  But in the end it will undoubtedly find insufficient evidence to bring a prosecution.  And so another crime of the Occupation will be swept under the rug, at least as far as Israel is concerned.  But the problem is that this method works less and less successfully.  The world tends not to forget these incidents and places declining faith in the IDF’s word that it has done its best to ensure these things don’t happen.  That’s why Goldstone has had remarkable resonance and why there have been as many serious investigations by the IDF as there have.

The Independent is also worth a read on this.

IDF and Shin Bet: Gang That Can’t Shoot Straight–or Read

Thursday, July 1st, 2010

I don’t know whether to laugh or cry over Amira Hass’ latest report in Haaretz that the Shin Bet ordered the IDF to produce a Palestinian Arab named Za’arir from the West Bank village of Beit Omar for questioning.  Instead, they went to the house of the Za’akik family in the same village and demanded its 7 year-old son appear for questioning:

On June 10, the Za’akik family from the West Bank village of Beit Omar awoke to loud knocks at the door. The father of the family opened, and three Israeli soldiers entered the house; one of them, whom the father thought to be the commander, asked for the boy, M. His father told the officer that M. was seven years old, and showed him his identification, stating the boy’s date of birth as September 17, 2002.

The mother noticed that the officer laughed upon seeing the document, but he delivered the summons nonetheless. The mother understood from him that the 7-year-old must attend a meeting with “Captain Tamir” of the Shin Bet security services at the offices of the Coordinator of Government Activity in the Territories (COGAT ), in the settlement bloc of Gush Etzion the next morning. The family decided not to send the child to the Shin Bet office, but because they feared the soldiers might return and arrest the boy, they consulted the organization Defense for Children International.

The family told Hass that there was no one in the village named Za’arir.  The IDF naturally claims there was and that it was simply an unfortunate error.  One has to wonder at the ineptitude that would cause someone in the Shin Bet to misidentify a 7 year old boy named Za’akik with their actual target named Za’arir.  Can they not read?  Not to mention the utter cluelessness of the IDF officer who handed the summons to the family.  Did this oaf not realize that summoning a 7 year old for Shin Bet questioning was ludicrous?  One has to wonder whether this is yet another example of the vaunted intelligence capabilities of the IDF and Shin Bet.

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Israeli MK Demands Publication of Blau Story on Cast Lead Battle Plans

Wednesday, April 14th, 2010

One of the most contentious aspects of the Kamm-Blau case, which goes to the heart of why it is so dangerous for the IDF, is the article Blau wrote about the army’s battle plans for Operation Cast Lead. It passed the military censor and Haaretz planned to print it one week before the war/massacre began. The newspaper prepared the article, but then the censor had a change of heart, demanding that Haaretz withdraw the already printed edition. It did so.

Several days ago Israeli journalist Shraga Elam suggested that activists involved with this case should now demand publication of the offending article. I didn’t see any way Haaretz would jeopardize its tenuous legal situation by entertaining such a notion. While I put out feelers to Israelis to see if there might be a copy of the article lurking somewhere I got no takers.

Now, Jonathan Cook has added a new dimension to this story: an Israeli Palestinian MK has made such a demand:

Haneen Zoubi, an MP who previously headed an Israeli media-monitoring organisation, said it was “outrageous” that the suppressed report was still secret so long after the Gaza attack. She is to table a parliamentary question to Ehud Barak, the defence minister, today demanding to know why the army suppressed the article and what is preventing its publication now. Mr Barak must respond within 21 days.

She said publication of the article was important both because Israel had been widely criticised for killing many hundreds of civilians in its three-week assault on Gaza, and because subsequent reports suggested that Israeli commanders sought legal advice months before the operation to manipulate the accepted definitions of international law to make it easier to target civilians.“There must be at least a strong suspicion that Mr Blau’s article contains vital information, based on military documentation, warning of Israeli army intentions to commit war crimes,” she said in an interview.

“If so, then there is a public duty on Haaretz to publish the article. If not, then there is no reason for the minister to prevent publication after all this time.”

I wouldn’t have phrased it that way.  What Blau’s report might indicate is that the ferocity and indiscriminateness that were advocated in the war plans would convey a likelihood that war crimes could have occurred.

Cook also quotes a Tel Aviv university professor with a convincing argument about what especially frightened and provoked the IDF and Shin Bet about Blau’s unpublished manuscipt:

Amal Jamal, a professor at Tel Aviv University who teaches a media course to professional journalists, said he was concerned with the timing of the Shin Bet’s campaign against Mr Blau. He observed that they began interviewing the reporter about his sources and documents last summer as publication neared of the Goldstone report, commissioned by the United Nations and which embarrassed Israel by alleging it had perpetrated war crimes in Gaza.

“The goal in this case appears to be not only to intimidate journalists but also to delegitimise certain kinds of investigations concerning security issues, given the new climate of sensitivity in Israel following the Goldstone report.”

Given the massive investment of the government in demonizing both the Report and its author it would make perfect sense for officials to see Blau and by extension Kamm as leading aiders and abetters of the anti-Israel efforts of the UN and human rights campaigners throughout the world seeking accountability for IDF actions in Gaza. This is yet further proof that we must mount a redoubled defense of Kamm, Blau and Goldstone and the values for which they stand.  We need accountability and transparency in dealing with the aftermath of Cast Lead, not bellicosity, chest-thumping and threats (like the Shin Bet one to kidnap Blau and forcibly return him to Israel).

Cook also quotes Shraga discussing a so-called “third phase” of the Gaza operation which is rarely openly discussed by which the IDF would have occupied Gaza, expelled Hamas and organized mass expulsions of “undesirables” (some of this I have heard and some is based on Shraga’s comments).  This, if true, certainly would’ve taken the IDF into war crimes territory.

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Shin Bet Chief: Our ‘Enemies Dream of Getting Their Hands On’ Documents Kam Leaked, and Other Lies

Thursday, April 8th, 2010
yuval diskin

Yuval Diskin, Shin Bet chief

You gotta hand it to Yuval Diskin.  All of Israel has grown weary of the Shin Bet’s three-ring gag order circus.  The Supreme Court was even writing notes asking what was the be gained by this laughingstock.  And yet Diskin bounces right back like a Jack in the Box (pdf) ready for more obfuscation, mendacity and outrageousness.  Here is a sampling:

“It is a dream of every enemy state to get its hands on these kinds of documents,” said Shin Bet security service chief Yuval Diskin. “And we would be  happy to receive these kinds of documents from the enemy.”

What kind of bulls(&t is this guy peddling?  Does he really believe that the Palestinian families whose loved ones were murdered in cold blood by the IDF on the orders of the high command will gain some benefit from learning about the truth about how their loved ones were killed?  That this knowledge will somehow help them in their jihad against Israel.  If not, what specific benefit is he claiming these documents will provide “the enemy?”  What is this guy smokin’?

Not to mention that every single report Uri Blau wrote for Haaretz using these documents was approved by the military censor.  So if the censor didn’t find any damage to the State in the reports, is the Shin Bet interposing itself as a better arbiter of what will harm it?  If so, why not depose the IDF censor and replace her with one approved by the Shin Bet?

The persecution of Uri Blau undermines a fundamental aspect of the social contract between a journalist and State organs in this sense:

…In Israel…we have military censorship that inspects every security-related report ahead of publication.  This censorship frustrates journalists, but also protects them. An American journalist can publish anything and risk indictment for breaching state security, while an Israeli journalist whose report is approved by the censor has fulfilled his legal duty and is exempt from any liability. The censor, not the journalist, is in charge of preserving security.

This case shatters that tacit agreement and further weakens the status of journalist in Israeli society.  Now, not only does he have to pass military censorship, but doing so gives him absolutely no sense of protection.  In effect, this creates yet another suffocating layer of government oversight that stifles the public’s right to know and the journalist’s right to provide it.

Oh, and just in case you mistakenly believed that the gag order collapsed of its own weight and the 1,000 paper cuts wielded against it by Israeli bloggers and  foreign press and blogs like this one, here’s Herr Diskin to enlighten you:

According to Diskin, after Moser [Haaretz's lawyer] rejected a proposal offered to Blau by the Shin Bet and the state prosecutors, the agency decided to partially lift the gag order which had prevented Israeli media entities from reporting details of the story. In addition, Diskin said the Shin Bet will change its policy in terms of its handling of the affair and will apply more stringent measures in its investigative tactics in the imminent future.

Everyone and their brother knows the REAL reason this transparent attempt at secrecy and intimidation died, yet Diskin wants to piss on our backs and tell us its rain.  Further, you have a known liar telling Israel that he promises the Shin Bet will do better in future; that it won’t embarrass the judiciary and even his fellow IDF military censor who was aghast at this gag order, by going on such wild goose chases in the future.

If I really believed him I’d cheer and open a bottle of champagne thinking that my blog had really promoted good government and a positive reform in Israel’s democracy.  If only I could believe him.  I would really like to.  But I know that this, like so many words coming out of his mouth, is a lie.  The Shin Bet will do whatever it feels is in its interests regardless of previous statements or agreements.  So this, like the agreement the Shin Bet signed with Haaretz and violated almost immediately thereafter, isn’t worth a plug nickel (or shekel).

Here’s another lesson that Diskin has learned (pdf) ass-backward about this affair.  Did the media serve any useful role?  Of course not, just the opposite. We’re those lily-livered Commie pinkos who lurk behind every tree just waiting to hinder the work of servants of the people like him:

Shin Bet security service head Yuval Diskin yesterday openly threatened, in the most scandalous way, that his organization will “remove its gloves” in dealing with this affair. “We were too sensitive to the media world … that’s the lesson we’ve learned from the affair,” he said.

Another reporter writing in today’s Haaretz reminds us that just after the 1967 war, Yeshia Leibowitz, perhaps Israel’s greatest public intellectual of the 20th century, prophesied that Israel’s Occupation would eventually turn it into a “Shin Bet state.”  Leibowitz truly had the power of prophecy.

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Anat Kamm: the Story That Dare Not Speak Her Name

Sunday, April 4th, 2010
anat kam

Anat Kam in more carefree days

If you’re an Israeli editor or reporter, you know what thousands of other Israelis know.  That Anat Kam is under house arrest for allegedly leaking up to 1,000 top secret IDF documents to Haaretz reporter Uri Blau, who’s been writing some of the most hard-hitting exposes about army and defense ministry malfeasance over the past year or so.  You also know that Blau is in self-imposed exile in London aware that the police want him for questioning in the case and that Haaretz’s lawyers are negotiating for his return.

You know that there is a prosecution-requested gag order on the fact that she was arrested and the reason for her arrest, which makes her the most widely known “disappeared” person possibly in the world.  You know that Kam faces an espionage charge, and up to 14 years in prison.  You know that her lawyers are also negotiating a plea bargain and that she is hoping for no jail time or a reduced sentence.  You’d also know that Kam and her lawyer have lobbied hard and largely successfully for Hebrew blogs, Hebrew Wikipedia and other online sites to take down material about her arguing it will improve her chances of getting a less severe sentence.

That’s what you’d know.  And also what you can’t breathe a word of to your readers.  So what can you do?  You can write eloquent, oblique columns decrying military censorship, secret detentions, gag orders, the over-cozy relationship between the military, intelligence agencies and the judiciary.  You can even tell your readers there’s a really big story about which you can’t tell them.

It’s all very strange when you read such material.  It reminds you of a blind man feeling his way across the back of a camel and trying to guess what it is, all while you’re seeing it right before your own eyes.  You feel sorry for these poor souls who know many things but can’t convey them to the rest of their countrymen and women.  But after feeling sorry, you begin to feel angry that none of them takes the bull by the horns and does a Peter Finch, yelling “I’m mad as hell and I’m not going to take it anymore,” and then spilling the beans.

While it’s true that Israeli media outlets could face severe sanction for breaking a gag order–their reporters could lose their licenses, government lawyers could tie them up in court for years, they could lose access to government news sources–it seems to me that if Israel is a democracy and if there is a press worthy of the name that someone has to step up and defy the bastards.  So far, no one has (though some brave Israeli journalists like Mya Guarnieri have reported the story for foreign papers).

Not so Israeli bloggers though.  They have stepped up to the plate.  They are reporting this story.  They are naming names.  They are not intimidated.  Blogs like Nimby, Philosophical Outlook, and Human Communication have done what blogs should do when all others around them have lost their nerve or their balls–they told it like it is.  There may be other blogs I’m overlooking and I’d love to hear about them.  I also invite those interested in learning more about this to join the bi-lingual Facebook group, We Want the Truth About Anat Kam, where I’m learning much of this.

Since I began this blog in 2003 I’ve felt a strong need to link my work to Israelis (and Palestinians) including bloggers.  It is important to share important political developments and create a sense of community between us and I’ve tried to do that.  Bloggers unfortunately don’t like being organized or told what to do or what’s important.  So my efforts have been fitful.  Sometimes like at the J Street bloggers panel they work and other times not.

Given the language gap it’s also proven hard to share out respective work.  You can’t easily reprint the best work of Hebrew language blogs unless you can translate it and that takes time and energy.  And vice versa.  All of this meant that bloggers in Israel and bloggers outside Israel were more or less like ships passing in the night.

But this story has changed that.  Now in their hour of need many Israelis see the benefits of foreign media including blogs.  That’s the only way they currently can stay up to date on what their government doesn’t want them to know.  This blog has more visibility inside Israel than perhaps it has ever had before.  What I hope is that this will not change after the Kam story does.  We need each other.

In one of the more ironic developments in a case loaded with irony, it seems that Anat Kam wrote a 2009 story for Walla while she worked there, covering a conference on the use and abuse of military gag orders.  The money quote and most poignantly ironic passage is this one from a senior Israeli police officer participating on the panel who, after reminding the audience of the supposedly welcome fact that the police request only 60 such gag orders per year, says:

Clearly I prefer to conduct investigations in secret, but I’m aware of the limitations on the police in a democratic society.  Sometimes, we seek to prevent publicizing an investigation in order that law-breakers won’t benefit from exposure of the information.

If the results of the Kam case weren’t so troubling, I’d almost call this irony delicious.  As it is, it makes me feel outrage.

How’s this for another irony: Wikipedia, which exists to disseminate knowledge and information irregardless of the whims of government authority decided in the case of Anat Kam to remove its article from Hebrew Wikipedia at Kam’s request.  You’d think the editors would’ve understood that self-censorship by Wikipedia itself is a terribly problematic development.  The article remains down.

I read another Israeli on Facebook pose an interesting argument defending Kam’s act of leaking top secret military documents.  He said that she could argue that though she was breaking the law in doing so, her leak was designed to uncover a far worse crime, that of targeted killings committed by the highest echelons of the military in violation of the law as determined by the Supreme Court.  This argument might work better in a constitutional democracy in which Court rulings are viewed as legal precedent.  In Israel that isn’t so.  But I still think it’s an appealing argument.

Finally, Ran Cohen of Nimby e-mailed me today that there is one benefit, either intended or unintended, for the IDF and intelligence apparatus in this gag order: it focuses attention on the plight of a young women while diverting attention from where it should be–on the rampant, unaccountable, illegal acts of the IDF high command.  It allows us to lose sight of the fact that the Israeli Supreme Court, faced with Haaretz reports that the army’s most senior officers were giving the judiciary the middle finger regarding complying with its 2006 ruling on targeted assassinations–did nothing.  The IDF enjoys virtual impunity in Israeli society and the Court does little or nothing to prevent it.  Uri Blau’s story reveals that for some in Israel the rule of law is little more than an inconvenient theory honored in the breach, if at all.

Anat Kam’s is the tragedy of an individual, while the documents she leaked reveal the tragedy of an entire nation whose democracy has been eviscerated.

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Anat Kamm-Uri Blau Case Enters Decisive New Phase

Friday, April 2nd, 2010
anat kam israeli journalist

Anat Kam, Israeli journalist negotiating plea deal in leak case (Ido Kenan)

The foreign media continue to open up the Anat Kam-Uri Blau case with new stories in The Guardian, The Times, and The National.  They largely don’t plow new ground, but the Guardian story does carry this strongly supportive statement by Haaretz’s editor, Dov Alfon (a new Twitter follower of mine!):

Uri Blau is in London. He will be there until his editors decide otherwise. We are ready to continue to keep him in London as long as needed. Uri Blau published a lot of articles in Haaretz. All of them are dynamite stuff and it is clear of course that the authorities are not satisfied with these kind of revelations in a major newspaper.”We understand this but we also understand that Israel is still a democracy and therefore we intend to continue to publish whatever public interest demands and our reporters can reveal.”

Haaretz’s lawyers are negotiating with Israeli authorities for his return from self-imposed exile.  The above statement is almost a message of defiance of those authorities telling them that Blau won’t return until his innocence is guaranteed.

I’ve learned from an Israeli source some strange, but not entirely surprising news.  There is a reason why the floodgates of the foreign press are opening to this story but they remain closed in the Hebrew language press.  The Shin Bet doesn’t really care what we write about this story.  What they really worry about is their own citizens, what they’ll learn about it, and what they’ll say about it when they do.  That is why no Israeli newspaper or media outlet has had the balls to break the gag.

I’ve written before here that in the past such foreign media articles would virtually guarantee domestic coverage within Israel.  Not with this story.  Which means we have an intelligence and military apparatus which keeps its citizens in the dark about an urgent matter of national security, Israeli democracy, and the rule of law.  They don’t trust the population to know about the facts and then make up their own minds.  They fear the public.  They fear the force of vox populi.  As Aipac’s Steve Rosen once so memorably said about lobbying groups, they thrive in the dark and die in the light.

Those of us who thought we believed in Israeli democracy, or at least wanted to believe in the concept, should be ashamed.

The National account offers this powerful quotation articulating clearly what’s at stake for Israel:

Orly Halpern, a freelance journalist and Middle East analyst based in Jerusalem, agreed. “I am very worried that Israel would arrest a journalist – or anyone for that matter – and prevent people from knowing about it. These are the actions of an oppressive regime, not a democracy,”Mr Halpern said.
“Israel should have some kind of a protection for whistle-blowers,” another Israeli journalist said. “Even if they go against the state or the system, what [Ms Kam allegedly exposed] was the army breaking the law.”

The journalist, who asked to remain anonymous, said the blackout was one of the most worrisome aspects of the case.

For the reasons I wrote above, Anat Kam has intensely resisted publication of any details of her case even in blogs.  Her side apparently cares much less what we write about her in English language blogs.  Or she may care, but realizes it won’t harm her fate as Hebrew language reporting might.  She’s apparently relying on statements from the prosecution that her silence might allow them to remove counts from her charge sheet or even eliminate jail time altogether.  Frankly, (and I concede I’m neither Israeli nor the victim in this case) I don’t see why any defendant should trust an unwritten statement proffered by Israeli prosecutors.  At any rate, she should know in the next few days what prosecutors will offer her.  If she doesn’t receive the deal she’s looking for and decides to fight, she will have my full support.

The same source also tells me that the State has not asked for her cooperation in the case of Uri Blau.  If this is true, it is welcome news.  I suspected that the reason she felt she might be able to avoid jail time was because of a deal whereby she would testify against him.

I have also received lots of supportive message from fellow bloggers and journalists who understand and appreciate what I’ve tried to do.  I just had a heart-felt message from Mya Guarnieri, who wrote The National story linked above.  George Hale of Maan has also been intrepid.  An Israeli journalist in the belly of the beast who shall go nameless also served an important role in getting word out.  The people who matter know what this blog has done.  As for the others, well…I’ll let you fill in that ellipsis.

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Yediot Achronot: ‘Poor Pitiful Me, I Want to Tell You About Anat Kamm, But the Bad Censor Man Won’t Let Me’

Wednesday, March 31st, 2010

I’m growing very tired of the Israeli media’s whiny self-pity in writing about why they can’t write about the Anat Kam story.  Take a story in today’s Yediot Achronot:

For Foreigners Only

What Does the Shabak Want You Not to Know?

Foreign media outlets publish about an incident whose details you can also discover on the internet.  Only Israeli resident cannot know about them.

What citizens around the world are allowed to know is concealed from Israelis: foreign newspapers and media report an incident which cannot cannot be reported in Israel.

Among the foreign news outlets many of the details of the incident and information about the subjects of it are reported.  All these details one can find also on the internet if one searches under the keywords “Israeli journalist gag.”

As has been reported here in the past, Israeli courts easily accede to requests from the police and Shabak for gag orders.  The gag only impacts one party, the one which investigates.

In a situation like this one, Israeli media outlets have no opportunity to present in a timely way their position opposing the gag order and supporting publication.

If this is such a crappy system, why doesn’t the Israeli press and Knesset unite to amend laws and eliminate the stranglehold that military censorship has over the media?  Instead of complaining, why don’t they actually do something?

In many previous similar instances, an Israeli reporter has offered a story to a foreign news outlet.  Once reported abroad the Israeli publication can reprise the story.  The first part of equation has has already happened.  The Independent reported the Anat Kam story.  JTA also reported it.  As a result of that the Arabic service of the Israeli Broadcasting Authority broke the story in Israel.  A few hours ago, the independent Palestinian news agency, Maan, broke the story.

So under conventional terms, this story should be all over Israel–well it is, it’s just not in the newspapers or on the news.  Israeli friends tell me that newspapers value their licenses and don’t deliberately court big fines and legal entanglements spanning years in order to uphold freedom of the press.  Well, yes I can understand that.  But if you take that approach, then you can’t expect anyone outside Israel to praise Israeli’s so-called free press.  Because it isn’t really free.  It’s fully subservient to the military-intelligence apparatus.

And it’s not just the press, the courts too are generally acquiescent.  They don’t probe too closely when cases involve national security, or at least the claim of it from the military or intelligence side.

So my attitude is: if you don’t want to stand up for your journalistic principles that’s a decision you make; but don’t come bellyaching to me like in this Yediot piece.  Sorry, but I don’t have any sympathy for it.  If you really care, you know what to do.  If you don’t, you have no one to blame but yourselves.

Nor am I letting the foreign news outlets off the hook.  Why has a story this important languished in obscurity?  Yes, I understand why the N.Y. Times won’t report it because of their reluctance to be out front on any story this controversial.  But what about The Nation, Christian Science Monitor, the Times of London?  Why aren’t they panting after this story and giving it column inches?  I’m half tempted to call this entire incident, The Day the Media Slept.

I also wanted to touch on a slightly different subject.  The Israeli press is terribly insular.  You might argue that this is only natural.  But think about it: Haaretz & Ynetnews online English editions derive a major amount of their traffic from the Diaspora.  Yet they hardly cover the Diaspora and when they do they do it perfunctorily and often badly (Haaretz’s coverage of the U.S. is a case in point).  They hardly ever publish material from Diaspora writers.  I’ve had a grand total of one commentary published in Haaretz.  Subsequently, the editor told me it was highly unlikely anything further would be published.

In normal times, a news website can get away with such insularity.  But in times like these, when the Israeli press can’t do its job, then it has to rely on Diaspora sources like this blog.  That’s why Haaretz’s editor yesterday began following my Twitter feed.  I’m pleased with this.  But I’d like a lesson to be learned.  That is, we’re in this together.  There should be a dialogue between Israel and Diaspora in the media.  But there largely isn’t.  And it ain’t because people like me aren’t trying.

If this happened, it could only benefit both sides.  It would increase interest in the sites from the Diaspora and would introduce Israelis to voices and ideas from outside their comfort zone.  But it probably won’t happen because editors don’t have the vision to make it happen.

H/t to O.A., a journalist doing his part.

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