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Mohammad Said Kalash, "Offering Reconciliation" exhibit (photo: Ilan Amihai)

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Posts Tagged ‘david shulman’

Not Since Rome Ruled Have They Destroyed Sukkah in Jerusalem; Palestinian Baby Suffocates on Tear Gas

Friday, September 24th, 2010

UPDATE: Maan reports (and 972 live-blogs the riots–can you even do such a thing?) that in ongoing clashes throughout East Jerusalem between Palestinian residents and 3,000 Israel police, a 14 month-old baby was smothered by tear gas shot into its home.  Israel’s police PR flack had the chutzpah to say the following:

Israeli police spokesman Micky Rosenfeld said he had not received any reports of injuries and that police were using minimum force to respond to incidents in Al-Isawiya, Silwan and Ras Al-Amoud.

For this baby, unfortunately minimal force was lethal.  Do the police care?  One wonders how or if this will impact the ersatz Israel-Palestine peace talks being stage-managed by the U.S.  How many dead will it take before someone recognizes that a faux settlement freeze is not enough to secure peace?

I just read a Maan headline:

Israel to PLO: Any new settlement projects will be `limited in scope`

Reassuring indeed.  And the suffering continues…

David Shulman filed one of his typically profound, humane and deeply moving pieces about the suffering inflicted by Israeli Occupation on Palestinian and Jew alike.  There is unfortunately no Nobel Prize for literature of peace.  But when there is, Shulman deserves it hands down.  Though his story has been published elsewhere I don’t have the heart to select the best bits and excerpt them for you. So let David speak in his own powerful words.

This week is Sukkot, the Festival of Booths, which marks the wandering of the Israelites in the Sinai desert after they left Egypt and on their way to Israel and freedom. The lived in makeshift huts made from natural vegetation and open to the elements. This ephemeral nature of the habitation reminds us of the fragile state of human existence.  This is also a holiday that revolves around family and friends with whom we eat and even sleep in the Sukkah.

Shulman describes the wonderful project devised by a Palestinian friend of building a Sukkah in Sheikh Jarrah, a Palestinian neighborhood.  Extraordinary to think that given the violence and dispossession these families have suffered at the hands of the Israeli government that they would welcome the celebration of a Jewish holiday in their midst.

I read on the Facebook Wall of an Israeli peace activist that “not since Rome has a conqueror destroyed a Sukkah.”  Not a historically verifiable fact.  But a powerful thought nonetheless.  Imagine the hillul of a State that considers itself Jewish destroying not once, but three separate times, a halachically kosher sukkah.  Are these people Jews or hooligans?  This alone is proof that religion is not the heart of the problem between Israelis and Palestinians.  Israel uses religion as part of its ongoing battle to justify the unjustifiable, the Occupation.  If religion mattered a whit to these people they wouldn’t have desecrated that sukkah.

Ah yes, they will say that a sukkah built by leftists, even if Jewish, with the help of Palestinians–what is that?  That can’t be a Jewish.  It’s a monstrous hybrid deserving of destruction.  The only thing that is monstrous is this Occupation regime and the mockery it makes of its own religion.  The real heart of this conflict is politics, power and land.  Religion is a very distant fourth, if that.

Let David tell the rest:

September 22, 2010 Sheikh Jarrah, Succot

It may sound unlikely, but we’re in ‘Uthman ibn ‘Affan Street in Sheikh Jarrah and, together with Salah and other Palestinian friends from the neighborhood, we’re building a succah. The Succot holiday, my favorite, starts tonight. Religious Jews build little booths covered with palm fronds and eat and sleep in them for seven nights, a memory of the forty years of wandering in the desert and a reminder of the precariousness of all that exists, all that we value and love. You’re supposed to be able to see the stars through the fronds that provide a make-shift roof; honored guests, beginning with the Patriarchs and ending on day seven with King David, are invited to visit each day.

But why build one in Sheikh Jarrah, in the street where the al-Ghazi and al-Kurd houses have been taken over by Israeli settlers and the Palestinian owners driven out? Mr. Al-Kurd, dignified and calm as always, is watching over the construction. New and surprising forms of Palestinian-Israeli friendship have sprung up in this neighborhood in the course of the ongoing struggle, with its weekly demonstrations—often violently suppressed by the police (over a hundred demonstrators have been arrested during the last eight or nine months). The demonstrations are usually on Friday afternoon, but last week’s was cancelled because of Yom Kippur. Two nights before the fast, however, there was a joint prayer session in Sheikh Jarrah, and the exquisite texts of the Selichot—supplications for forgiveness—were read out together, in Arabic and Hebrew, by the activists and the evicted families, standing on this same tortured street, with the settlers jeering at them. I heard that many of our people had tears in their eyes.

There’s no question that the Jews have a lot to ask forgiveness for. There’s something shocking to me, still, in the High Holiday time in Israel. I live in a mixed neighborhood that has, over the years, like most neighborhoods in Jerusalem, becoming increasingly right-wing. Many of my neighbors are religious and, of course, strident nationalists, and some of them are even what I would call soft-core racists. They find it convenient to hate Palestinians, or Arabs in general, and they feel no compunction whatsoever about the Israeli settlement project and the ongoing theft of Palestinian land, on the West Bank and in East Jerusalem, proceeding apace day by day. So how is it, I ask myself—you have to forgive my stubborn innocence—that these same neighbors can spend Yom Kippur praying for forgiveness for their sins without even noticing that we, the people of Israel, are guilty of terrible crimes against our Palestinian brothers and sisters? Why bother going to the synagogue at all if you are so blind to the suffering of others, if you are living a lie? I know I’ll never understand.

So here we are building together a succat shalom, a Succah of Peace—another resonant phrase from the prayer book—and the police are, of course, here in force together with the Jerusalem municipality’s building inspectors, and they’ve given us notice that what we are doing is illegal and they will destroy the succah as soon as it’s built. You should know that the city is absolutely filled with succot, thousands of them, many of them built (without permits, of course) on sidewalks and other public thoroughfares (in some areas, such as Nahlaot, you can barely negotiate your way along the street), and none of them, it goes without saying, is in danger of being demolished—since they are good Jewish succot, after all, respectable appurtenances of the tribe. But a Palestinian-Israel Peace Succah, that’s clearly another matter. There’s no way the police will let it stand. It’s a public menace. It might disturb for a few moments the proper order of a world in which Palestinians can be ruthlessly driven from their homes, and those who protest against this cruelty will be thrown in jail. It might even make some ordinary person stop and think when he or she reads the inscription on the cloth panel forming one of the succah‘s sides: “The Sheikh Jarrah Succah of Peace.” Who knows what unsettling thoughts this rickety structure of poles and tinsel decorations might engender? Besides, we’re building it right outside the houses the settlers have stolen, and the pious settlers might take offense.

It’s somehow comforting to engage in these doomed, purely symbolic actions; it feels right. The very futility of it all makes it all the better, all the more necessary, even fun; in fact, the more absurd the better. Credo quia absurdum est. And there is the friendship infusing this moment and giving it meaning. We were here ten days ago for a joint ‘Id al-Fitr/Rosh Hashana party, and Mr. Al-Kurd spoke with his usual gracious forbearance, thanking us for standing beside them, and a little Palestinian girl took the microphone and said, “We are tired of the settlers’ stealing our homes and our toys.” I have to confess, though, that today, as the afternoon wears on and the succah is destroyed, not once but twice, I’m also feeling very angry. This has been a tough day. In the early hours of the morning, a security guard employed by the Jewish settlers in Silwan, under the walls of the Old City, shot and killed a 32-year-old Palestinian man, Samir Sirhan, a father of five. I wasn’t there to see it, I don’t know exactly how it happened, but I can say with confidence that if there were no Israeli enclave planted by force in the heart of Palestinian Silwan, with an armed mercenary militia to “protect” it, Samir would probably still be alive. Another two, at least, were wounded (the police have clamped down a news blackout, no one knows for sure how many were hurt). Amiel got there early and was, of course, arrested. (You can be quite sure that nothing will happen to the security guard who shot and killed.) Silwan, meanwhile, has erupted in violent protest. It wouldn’t take much to spark off another Intifada, especially the way things are going, with Netanyahu refusing to renew the “freeze” on building in the settlements. If the talks collapse over this, as they may, or over some other piece of wicked foolishness, another round of violence is all too likely: that was the Chief of Staff’s assessment, as of yesterday. You have to remember, too, that every single housing unit that goes up in the territories is a crime under international law as well as a crime against ordinary human decency and against God, if there is a God.

So our succah is also planned as a Booth of Mourning for Samir, as is customary among Palestinians—another reason, no doubt, for the authorities to attack it. The Sheikh Jarrah protest, perhaps the most hopeful development in the Israeli peace movement in recent years, is closely allied with grass-roots Palestinian protest in Silwan. Three weeks ago we held a medium-size demonstration in Silwan against El’ad, the settler organization that effectively rules the village and that has been given responsibility for the archaeological site there, which they call the City of David, the most sensitive such site in the country (another unthinkable outrage, possible only in Israel).  Every year El’ad runs an archaeological conference and tour in Silwan, open to the public, and we were there to protest. We managed to make ourselves heard, at considerable cost; Daniel, standing right beside me, was brutally battered, kicked, and trampled by the police, without provocation, and taken off, bleeding profusely, his glasses shattered, to jail; Ram was seriously wounded in the foot by a border policeman; several others were also hurt, and eight arrested. I found it more depressing than usual, though in our terms these days the demonstration counts as a success. I had just returned from India, and the renewed encounter with hard-core monotheists was something of a shock.

For the record, and in brief, here is how the Succah comes crashing down. It’s standing there on the sidewalk, miraculously held together by strings and poles, as a Succah should be, and gaudily decorated with paper cut-outs and bright paintings and shiny flowers which we prepared together with the Palestinian children. Looks not bad. Nissim says we should apply to the annual competition for the Most Beautiful Succah prize. It huddles under a large fig tree whose branches spill over the courtyard wall; indeed, the Succah could easily be taken as no more than a slight extension of this beautiful tree. We’re rather proud of it. We stand inside it as the police advance, and of course it’s not very sturdy so within about three minutes it’s been ripped apart, the poles strewn over the street, the palm fronds snapped, the decorations mangled and torn. At just this moment one of the settlers walks into the courtyard of his stolen house carrying a large palm frond for his succah, which, I assure you, no one will demolish; he wishes us a happy holiday. I can also assure you that ours is the only succah to be destroyed by the municipality this year.

Silan is arrested during this short altercation. As soon as it’s over, we start again. This time we forget about the poles on the sidewalk; we will hang the cloth panels down from a few wooden rods resting on the enclosure wall and reaching into the fig tree. There’s even room for a few more decorations. Salah works happily, defiantly, at making this half-succah fit the classical model, more or less, and after half an hour or so it is, indeed, a passable specimen, and even less of an Obstruction to the Public than its noble predecessor. However, it quickly shares the former’s sad fate.

Before the police move in the second time, I take my stand inside this lovable little booth; it’s where I want to be. Hillel is standing beside me; he knows Jewish law inside out, so when I say that I’m afraid that this is not quite a kosher succah—for one thing, you definitely can’t see the sky (to say nothing, in theory, of any stars)– he laughs and at once confirms this thought. Still, I decide that since I’ve helped build it, and I believe deeply in the almost hopeless idea that it embodies, I might as well say the holiday blessing. You’re supposed to utter it sitting down, but there’s nowhere to sit in the Palestinian-Israeli Succah of Peace in its final moments, so I change the formula just a little: “Blessed art Thou, Lord of the Universe, who has commanded us to stand in the Succah.” You know what, maybe He does, after all, exist. Hillel, who knows I’ve been away in India, asks me if I’m back to stay a while, and I say yes and, a little bitterly, quote the old Zionist song: “I’ve come up to the Land to build and be built.”  I wave my arms at our fragile, tacky, quixotic creation. “As you can see,” I say, “so far it’s not going very well.”

Battle of Sheikh Jarrah

Sunday, December 13th, 2009
Israeli police arrest protesters against Sheikh Jarrah evictions

Israeli police arrest protesters against Sheikh Jarrah evictions

The settlers rage not just in Yasuf, where they burned a mosque.  They’re also on the move in East Jerusalem, where they’re steadily evicting more and more Palestinians in order to Judaize these Arab neighborhoods and eventually reclaim them for the Jewish race.

David Shulman writes another masterful account full of howling rage at the injustice of the Sheikh Jarrah evictions.  The thugs of the Border Police used even more brutality than is their wont in terrorizing peaceful demonstrators.  They sprayed pepper directly into eyes at point blank range.  Eyal Nir, a chemistry lecturer at Ben Gurion University, dangerous terrorist that he is, had his shoulder dislocated by the brutes and was taken to hospital with potential damage to his eyes from the spray:

December 10, 2009 Sheikh Jarrah

As always in violence, it’s impossible to put together a coherent story. You lose track of what happened first, what came next, who got hurt when; the moments stretch out endlessly, run together, overlap, images are superimposed or interwoven; the physical pain gets buried somewhere safe, more or less, inside the surreal limbo of your memory, which seems oddly to correspond to the external limbo of the action as you saw it unfold. So this time I won’t try to tell the story. Instead, a few vignettes:

* A grey, cold Friday afternoon. Winter. Fore-taste of rain. The weekly march to Sheikh Jarrah, to the Palestinian houses that have been invaded by Israeli settlers. As usual, we march to the drums, shouting our slogans. Lo tignov ve-lo tirzach ts’u miyad mi-sheikh jarrah, “Thou shalt not steal, Thou shalt not murder, Get out now from Sheikh Jarrah.” Some in English: “Five, six, seven, eight, Israel is a Fascist state.” I think the so-called Anarchists came up with this one. Do I agree with it? Not really. But this is hardly the moment to fuss over the niceties. How about a “proto-Fascist” state? Doesn’t fit the meter. Anyway, it’s not quite true. Inside the Green Line, but not counting East Jerusalem, Israel is a semi-functional democracy. On the other side of it, in Palestine, there’s another Jewish state, lawless, ruthless, yes, Fascist. The trouble is that the latter state has largely taken over the former.

* We stand in the courtyard of the stolen house, with the Palestinian owners beside us. There are between a hundred and a hundred and fifty of us, perhaps double what we had last week. Many soldiers and border police, also more than last week. Protest is gaining ground. The atmosphere is volatile, riddled with rage. Drums beating louder and louder. Children from the dispossessed families are tying small plastic Palestinian flags on a cord stretched opposite the string of plastic Israeli flags the settlers have draped over the door and window. The courtyard is littered, still, with the detritus that was once a family’s life: toys, kitchen appliances, an old couch, a wobbly table; all have been rained on this week, some have sunk into the mud. There’s probably something a little irritating to the soldiers and the settlers, I think and hope, in the chants we are hurling at them. “From Sheikh Jarrah to Bil’in/ Freedom now for Filastin.” I look around me: mostly young people, gentle but tough—many students, some I know from my classes, musicians, painters, poets, meditators, activists, young parents with babies folded in slings on their breasts—all of them totally non-violent, of course; and the demonstration is perfectly legal, no question about that, the police themselves issued the permit.

* Somehow it begins. Someone gave the order. I don’t know who. Later someone says it may have been connected to the flags. It’s possible—I didn’t see it—that one of our demonstrators reached the window of the stolen house and tore down the plastic Israeli flag. Maybe that triggered it. But I think they were anyway just itching to tear into this crowd. So when the moment comes, it starts somewhere at the edge of the family’s tent set up in what’s left of their own front yard and then swirls rapidly in widening arcs and circles, a vortex drawing each of us in. I am washed by a human wave out of the courtyard and into the street. They have grabbed one of our people and they are pushing him up against the command car and we surround them, trying to release our captive from their grip.

* Waves of green uniforms followed by waves of blue—police reinforcements have arrived. Many screams. The border police, as usual, are the most aggressive. Punching, fighting their way forward through the crowd, seizing victims at random, pushing them to the ground, pinning their arms behind them, carrying them off. Drumming goes on, builds toward a climax, ebbs, rises again. We stand our ground. We lock arms in a circle to keep them from forcing one of their chosen victims into a waiting police car. Much shouting. They break through, drag their prey brutally by the arms along the ground.

* Wandering in a pocket of relative silence. Eddies of dizzying attacks all along the street. Another wave. Now they have drawn blood, and they seem to like the taste of it. They want more. More and more. They go after the drummers, arrest them. Many seemingly random victims, too. Sandy says to me: “They’re like storm troopers. No other image comes to mind.” Some of our people are crying. Another charge. Young girls carried off, screaming. Sarah thrown to the ground, pounded, dragged over the stones. Again we try to close ranks. More waves. Time expands, elastic, twisting and turning back on itself, remorseless; this misery will never stop. Some of the border police are spraying us with an aerosol mix of chili pepper and tear-gas, at close quarters, straight into the face. It’s not like the usual tear-gas canisters I know well; this is concentrated, and it burns and scorches as if it had burrowed into the pores of your skin and, in particular, your eyes. Even now, two hours later, my face and lips feel singed by flames.

* In the middle of it all—perhaps you won’t believe me—an elderly Palestinian gentleman from one of the evicted families materializes with a round bronze plate loaded with dozens of tiny white plastic cups of Turkish coffee. He moves, dreamlike, among us, an imperturbable, humane host worried about how his guests are faring. He calmly offers us coffee. Vicious bursts of staccato blows and intimate violent follies spin madly around him.

* Pushed heavily from behind by a phalanx of policemen, we are driven unevenly away from the stolen homes, toward the upper end of the street. Our numbers have diminished: some 15 have been arrested so far; by a fluke, I am not yet among them. Some of them are herded, captive, into the courtyard and then, we learn later, into the house, with the settlers there to gloat at them. They are lost to us for now, out of contact. We make rough lists of those we know are under arrest. Meanwhile more and more are seized, for no apparent reason, and marched off into the waiting vehicles—by now a considerable fleet. About ten of our people have been wounded. Alon, an internationally known jurist, my colleague at the university, is arguing fruitlessly with the officers: what they are doing, he tells them, is totally illegal. He quotes the law. The soldiers rough him up, too.

* Cries floating through the late-afternoon space, in rhymed Hebrew: “Soldiers, listen well, you have the right to refuse.” Another nicety: if you say to them, “You have the duty to refuse,” they can arrest you for incitement. “Criminals! Cowards! Thieves! You’re protecting thieves!” A few courageous drummers are still beating out the time. The senior officer tries desperately to shout through the megaphone that we must disperse at once or we will all be arrested; his voice is drowned out by the drums. More attacks, yet another wave. On and on and on. The longer it goes on, the clearer it becomes that this is no random business, a police action that got out of hand; someone higher up has taken a decision to stamp out dissent in East Jerusalem.

* Tonight is the first candle of Hanukah, another one of those alleged Jewish festivals of freedom. Early this morning, at Kafr Yasuf in the northern West Bank, settlers set fire to a mosque. They left some graffiti on the walls: “We will burn you all.” Copies of the Koran were torn and torched, prayer-rugs burnt. Jews did this. It’s important to understand what this sentence means. Burning means something to us. No doubt the occupation system will protect the perpetrators; and even if, by some miracle, they’re pursued and arrested and, by a still greater miracle, brought to trial, you can depend upon the Israeli courts to set them free without punishment. It’s been that way for decades now. Soldiers, border police, probably plain-clothes intelligence agents too—they’re the ones beating my students, spraying us with gas, prodding us like cattle along the street; all this to protect the settler hooligans who have taken over these homes. These same soldiers and policemen routinely protect the settlers all over the territories. So I guess Hanukah doesn’t really count any more when it comes to freedom; or maybe it merely celebrates our freedom to lie to ourselves and to others, as Bibi does when he pretends he wants peace as he hurts and humiliates the Palestinians ever further. There’s no end to it, either, only deepening darkness, early winter of the soul. Suddenly I realize that we Israelis have never truly been free, despite what we say; for nature has a law: you cannot diminish another’s freedom without impairing or destroying your own. I hope a day will come when the Jews, too, will have the courage to be free.

Thanks to Ofer Neiman and Haggai Matar for their work in publicizing this incident.

IDF-Border Police Pogrom at Safa

Sunday, June 28th, 2009


Ta’ayush leaders, David Shulman (also a Hebrew University professor ) and Joseph Dana, report that peace activists who attempted to accompany the West Bank villagers of al-Safa yesterday to harvest their fields were met with brutal force by the Israeli Border Police.  One Palestinian suffered a broken leg.  An Israeli teenager suffered a severely sprained arm that they thought was broken.

David’s report came via eyewitness Amiel Vardi, whose daughter’s arm was nearly broken:

Amiel says that not only were the 30 activists arrested as soon as they arrived at as-Safa to accompany the farmers to their fields, but they were also savagely beaten at the time of the arrests and then beaten again, severely, with clubs, while being transported to the police station. We are talking about people who had their heads rammed against the sides of the army jeeps, and severe beatings with clubs in full view of the senior commanders who were present there– two Mahatim, that is, brigade commanders. No policemen were involved– these were Border Police (two units), and the sense is that they had explicit orders to do this. Sahar, Amiel’s daughter, had her arm badly twisted but fortunately not broken. One of the Palestinians had his leg broken.

All of us have been arrested before, most of us many times, but we’ve never seen this– although we know it’s common practice used against Palestinian arrestees. It was a very frightening experience, not much different in kind from what the Iranian regime has been doing to protesters in the streets of Iran (in case anyone thinks Israel is more enlightened than Iran).

…We need to get this information out into the international media as soon as possible.

Best, David

Bernard Avishai has published David’s much longer and more comprehensive account at his blog.

Joseph Dana of Ibn Ezra was an eyewitness to the police riot:

Over the last several months, Israeli and international activists have made the small village of Safa an important part of the struggle for the rule of law in the Occupied Territories. The village is situated next to the settlement of Bat Ayin, which was the scene of a horrific murder of a twelve-year-old boy by a mentally disturbed resident of Safa in April 2009. Since that incident, and along with growing US pressure on Israel regarding settlements, [Bay Ayin] has become increasingly violent towards its neighbors in Safa. This violence has been characterized by the burning and cutting down of Palestinian groves, severe beatings of Safa residents and Israeli activists and, just last week, hurling rocks on the farmers and activists that attempt to work the land…

Today, 27 June 2009, the IDF and Israel Border Police created a blockade at the entrance of the farmlands. As soon as we arrived, the IDF began using violent force against the forty to fifty Israelis, Palestinians and international activists on the ground. As we walked into the area, pleading with the army to allow us entry, we were beaten, thrown to the ground, attacked and insulted. We demanded to see legal authority for such actions. That only came later after we had been ‘removed’ from the area. Many of us suffered bruises and injuries, including an 18-year-old Israeli female whose arm was sprained and a Palestinian man who reportedly had his leg broken.

The IDF arrested 30 Israelis for violating a “closed military zone” order that, according to the 2006 Supreme Court ruling, cannot be used simply to prevent farming in Safa. The activists were detained for three hours and then released without being charged with any offense.

The events today in Safa are a major escalation in the IDF policy to intimidate and attack Israeli and international peace activists who wish to help Palestinian farmers maintain their livelihood, even as the IDF does nothing to restrain the settlers. No matter how much the state may sympathize with the settlers and feel the need to protect them, it must not allow this vigilante behavior to continue, as it only propagates the cycle of violence.”

Let anyone who sides with Bibi Netanyahu regarding the settlement freeze consider what effect encouraging such settler thugs and their state-sanctioned enablers has on the political situation. As Pres. Obama and George Mitchell seem to be saying: we need more, rather than less pressure. Easing the pressure allows law-breaking Jews to feel vindicated by their behavior. We need to let Bibi know that every such riot by agents of the state makes our job easier. So he has two choices–he can clamp down on this madness and try to make Israel’s Occupation policies look slightly more palatable to the world; or he can do nothing and let our side make hay.

David Shulman presents the argument in Avishai’s blog eloquently as usual:

Let no one claim that such things happen only in places like Iran but never in Israel. Let no one claim that Israel is an enlightened, free country, the very opposite of places like Iran. Let no one claim that the Israeli army is incapable of inhuman cruelty inflicted on innocent victims, whether they are Palestinian civilians or Israelis demonstrating peacefully against the occupation. Already now, as I write, the system Israel has put in place in the occupied territories is barbaric, in every sense of the word. Unless there is massive international pressure and effective protest, that system is not about to go away. Indeed, in the meantime, things are getting worse, on the ground, day by day.

What is astonishing about this incident is that the Bat Ayin settlers didn’t even have to weigh in with their usual brutish thuggery. The IDF and Border Police acted on their behalf. Let no Israeli or Diaspora Israel supporter ever say that the settlers do not represent Israel, that they are somehow aberrant extremists. Indeed they do fully reflect and represent Israel. If this were not the case then there would be security and order in the Territories for settlers and Palestinians alike.

Bronner Sticks His Foot in It Again

Saturday, June 27th, 2009
Israeli anti-Occupation activist, Ezra Nawi builds shelter for Palestinian villagers (Rina Castelnuovo/NYT)

Israeli anti-Occupation activist, Ezra Nawi, builds shelter for Palestinian villagers (Rina Castelnuovo/NYT)

I don’t know what it is with Ethan Bronner, the NY Times’ Israel correspondent. He’s clearly intelligent. He knows the issues fairly well. But his problem is he’s conflict about the politics of the Middle East. With a child in the IDF and married to an Israeli it’s almost as if he has to pull his punches [correction: Ethan Bronner denies he has a son in the IDF and I can't for the life of me remember where I read this. So I stand corrected on this particular matter and apologize to Bronner and Phil Weiss, who picked this up from here. But Bronner's wife IS Israeli.]

It’s not that he’s a horrible journalist. After all, as I said he’s articulate and intelligent and knows the issues. But rather than come right out and say something definitive, he beats around the bush and tempers his judgments. He wants everyone to like him and is shocked when many don’t.

The thing that irks me most about his reporting is that he ALWAYS manages to include a real howler in almost every major report that he writes. It usually something so condescending toward the Israeli peace movement or the Palestinians or something so twisted or distorted that it leaves you scratching your head how an otherwise intelligent human being can say something so out there, so…dumb.

In today’s report, he chose a worthy subject in Israeli peace activist Ezra Nawi, who has “adopted” the Palestinian villages of the south Hebron Hills, defending them from the marauding neighboring settlers. In addition, Ezra does come up for sentencing on Wednesday so the scrutiny on Israeli justice from a major U.S. media outlet is quite welcome.  Please sign this Jewish Voice for Peace petition to pressure Israeli authorities to end this sham judicial process.  For more on Nawi’s case, see this report by Neve Gordon.

But it’s as if he somehow has to mollify his right-wing readers in choosing such a progressive topic that he adds the following howler:

Since the Israeli left lost so much popular appeal after the violent Palestinian uprising of 2000 and the Hamas electoral victory in Gaza three years ago, its activists tend to be a rarefied bunch — professors of Latin or Sanskrit, and translators of medieval poetry. Mr. Nawi, however, is a plumber.

A note before I go on: later in this story he DOES quote an Israeli peace activist, David Shulman, who IS a professor of Sanskrit at the Hebrew University. But it’s as if this single source has somehow become emblematic of the entire Israeli peace movement. Not just emblematic, but in Bronner’s eyes the entire Israeli left has been reduced to David Shulman. While Prof. Shulman, a leader of Ta’ayush, IS an extraordinary scholar and human being, it is s deep disservice to him and the Israeli left to imply there aren’t many tens of thousands of others doing work equally valuable.

Bronner: have you forgotten about B’Tselem, Gisha, Yesh G’vul, Combatants for Peace, Breaking the Silence, Rabbis for Human Rights, Hadash, Peace Now, the Israeli Committee Against Home Demolitions, Courage to Refuse, Parent’s Circle, Anarchists Against the Wall (just to mention organizations)? And individuals like Uri Avnery, Rabbi Menachem Froman, the Sheministim, Michael Sfard, Jeff Halper, Shulamit Aloni, Robbi Damelin, Yitzchak Frankenthal, Rabbi Arik Ascherman, Dov Kheinin. Are these all nothing but effete European professors of obscure humanist subjects? The very notion is absurd and offensive.

Now, as always with Bronner’s howlers–there is a kernel of truth there. The organized Israeli left has shriveled and failed in a massive way since the first Intifada and especially during the Lebanon and Gaza wars. Note I said the “organized” left. I say this deliberately because Israeli NGOs and individual peace activists are doing work as vital as any done by the Israeli left when it was a more powerful political force. So for Bronner to dismiss the constituency of the Israeli left as he has done is deeply insulting and false.

He owes these courageous groups and individuals an apology. But will they get one? Don’t hold your breath.

David Shulman provides this bit of sad news from the anti-Occupation forces:

Yesterday was a tough day in the Territories…The whole group of some 30 Taayush activists, including 2 Palestinian drivers and some of our Palestinian colleagues, was arrested on arrival at al-Safa to accompany the farmers to their lands. The arrests were carried out [by the IDF] very brutally, there was one broken leg and one apparently broken arm.

As far as the IDF and the Occupation goes, plus ca change plus la meme chose. Oh I forgot, that’s going to mark me as yet another effete western intellectual do-gooder.

Jewish State-Sponsored Pogroms

Thursday, May 7th, 2009

UPDATE: I am seeking to confirm the number of deaths reported by David Shulman in the report below. While I have found stories confirming the violence, I have found no story yet confirming actual Palestinian deaths.

Later Update: David Shulman has written me with further confirmation of the accuracy of this story, though we are going even farther to try to confirm it:

Four killed is the number the villagers have cited, and I heard from my colleague Amiel Vardi, an unimpeachable, careful source.

In light of this near air-tight confirmation, we must start to ask why Israeli and other journalists are doing nothing to confirm and report it themselves. We’ve got to start screaming from the rooftops getting people to listen.

Latest Update: I’m going to take a flyer and guess what may be going on here.  The fact that IDF and Border Police went on a rampage together with settlers is a big problem for Israel.  The fact that there may be dead Palestinians further complicates things.  I think the fact that there has been no Israeli coverage about the murders may likely to due to military censorship which often constrains such coverage.  Now, I don’t know this is the case.  But I have a hunch.  We’ll see.

♦  ♦

The Jewish state, founded amid the pools of tears of the Holocaust, has finally come to this: it has endorsed state-sponsored pogroms against the Palestinian inhabitants of Khirbet Safa, the village where an Arab terrorist lived who killed a young settler boy a few weeks ago.

It is usual in these circumstance for settlers to attempt to take revenge through attacks on villages from which the terrorists came. But this case is entirely different. Not only are settlers attacking Khirbet Safa. The IDF and Border Police are as well. Four innocent Palestinian civilians armed with no more than rocks have been killed in recent days.

Where is the Israeli government? Where is the defense minister, Labor’s liberal darling, Ehud Barak? This is criminal behavior not just on the settlers part but on the part of agents of the state. And what are American Jewish organizations waiting for? Even if you don’t mind an Arab being murdered once in a while, are you prepared for the public relations disaster for Israel that will ensue once these pogroms reach the pages of your local family newspaper?

Keep in mind, these murderous settlers are religious Jews. This is their Judaism. A religion of blood, hatred and violence. I am a Jew. This is not my religion. It is not my God. Mine is a God of, if not love, at least tolerance. My God does not hate an entire Palestinian village for the act of a single inhabitant. The rampaging pogromists of Bat Ayin are Jewish whores. They have prostituted my religion and it disgusts me.

This is, to quote the Hebrew phrase, a busha v’herpah. A friggin’ shame.

David Shulman, author of the powerful testimony of personal resistance to the Occupation, Dark Hope, has written this heart-breaking account of one such pogrom. Read it an weep. Read it and act:

Pogroms: it’s something the Jews know about. I grew up on those stories—Cossack raids on the shtetl, the torture and killings and wanton destruction. My grandmother had a brother. They lived in Mikhalayev, in the Ukraine. One day the Cossacks came, and everyone panicked, and the seventeen-year-old brother tried to hide in a pond, and he drowned. She mourned that young death all her life; the dead don’t age, and some wounds never heal.

And now it turns out—who would believe it?—that there are Jews who also know how to carry out pogroms. For the last ten days or so, settlers from Bat ‘Ayin in the so-called Etzion Bloc have been paying violent daily visits to their Palestinian neighbors in Khirbet Safa, perched high on the edge of the western ridge that overlooks the coastal plain all the way to the sea. A terrorist from Khirbet Safa entered Bat ‘Ayin two weeks ago, murdered a settler boy with an axe, and wounded another. The police caught him soon thereafter. But that hasn’t stopped the Bat ‘Ayin settlers from repeated rampages to wreak revenge on Khirbet Safa. They’ve already killed four innocents, and another eleven or twelve have been wounded by gunfire. As if that weren’t bad enough, the soldiers have apparently been making common cause with these settlers, opening fire readily at the villagers. Life in this most beautiful of the mountain villages has become a nightmare; not that it was easy before.

We get the emergency call around 5:00 after a long day that started off in Susya, in South Hebron. At first it looked as though we’d never get through the barriers and the roadblocks; like last week, we had police and army on our tail from the moment we left Jerusalem. Two full buses and several private cars headed south by the long route twisting over the dry hills. A grey, sultry day, summer approaching: in the endless battle in the wadis and terraces between green and brown, green seems to be losing ground…By midday we had rendezvoused at Susya with a van of Palestinian activists from all over the West Bank. All in all, some 150 Combatants for Peace—former Israeli soldiers and Palestinian members of the armed resistance organizations who have given up all forms of violence—had come to meet each other and to see the reality of South Hebron.

This is what it will look like one day, I was thinking. Like in Berlin when the Wall fell. Maybe I won’t live to see it, but I know it will be like this. People, ordinary people from both sides, pour out of the vehicles more or less into one another’s arms. The soldiers in their jeeps with their guns and other deadly toys are helpless to hold back this flood of dangerous fraternization. Some of them look to me like they’d like to join us. It all happens fast and very naturally, without thinking. Walking over the rocks and thistles toward the tents of Susya, I hear snippets of conversation like many I’ve heard before. Awkward, tentative, eager. Strangers introduce themselves: “I’m ‘Abed. I live in the refugee camp at Dahariyya.” “We’re from Bethlehem.” “I’m from Tel Aviv, I’m a student. I served in the fucking army for three and a half years.” (This with a somewhat sheepish smile). A young Palestinian man to a dark-haired Israeli woman: “Would you come visit me in my home someday?” “I don’t know. Maybe. I’m afraid.” A short silence. “Yes, I’ll be happy to come.” I, too, embrace my friends: Hafez, Isa, Nasir, ‘Id, the gentle, irrationally hopeful, anxious ‘Id.

We stand among the black tents facing the Israeli settlement of Susya with its red-tile roofs and the new “illegal outpost” that settlers have put up on the next hill, just a couple of hundred meters off. In the distance, at Shuneran, you can see the lonely white whirl of the new turbine our people have recently set up for our Palestinian friends. Wind-driven, it’s already generating enough power to run a refrigerator and a newfangled butter-and-cheese churn: the milk goes into the drum of an old washing machine that shakes it wildly up and down, and in practically no time there is the unlikely miracle of butter. Just two weeks ago I watched Bedouin women doing it the old way, in a goat-skin hung over a fire and rocked back and forth for long hours. This turbine at Shuneran is like a gift from the gods.

Ofra, wiry, battle-worn, lucid, is speaking to the crowd as Yusri translates into Arabic: “The occupation has an interest in preventing us from meeting one another, and an even greater interest in preventing us from struggling together. But we will never allow them to separate us. This is our responsibility and our answer to apartheid. We had to get past the barriers and roadblocks to come here today, and we also had to break through the metaphorical walls that have divided us.” I wonder how Yusri is going to manage this last sentence. He lives in a world of very real walls and barriers. But no, he’s got it, no problem: “hawajiz majaziyeh–that is,” he explains, “the walls that have been erected in our minds.”

…There’s been a decision: no confrontations today. You can’t expose the first-timers to the whole terror and rigor of the occupation. And yet that hill is so enticing. There’s a new settler caravan in place, too. All we have to do is to start walking…..

And then, surprisingly, a new decision crystallizes. We will “take” that hill after all. We’ll follow Nasir up to the ancient well that belongs to the Hadari-Hareini families but that is now off limits to them; the settlers won’t let them near it. South Hebron is a hot, dry land, and a well means the difference between life and death. We head out over the rocky terraces. Movement, at last, and action: the relief is sweet and viscous as a heady liquor. My lungs take in the sharp smell of wild sage, thyme, and the aromatic herb the Palestinians call Amaslimaniya, said to heal infections and stomach pains. I wonder if it heals heart-ache, too. The very fragrance seems to be healing mine.

This was today’s second surpassing moment— all 150 of us fanning out over that hill, advancing toward the settlers’ caravan. We reach the well, and Nasir finds the black leather bucket and lowers it deep into the bowels of the earth and draws up fresh spring water, the sweetest water in the world; he pours it into our bottles and canteens and straight into our mouths, he is smiling as if entranced, drunk on the water of his own well, soaked to the skin, and for that brief unforgettable minute or two the world seems almost right again. And then, of course, the soldiers swoop down on us, with some lunatic settler barking orders at them, and the officer flashes the inevitable piece of paper that declares we are in a Closed Military Zone and we have two minutes to get out before they start hitting us with their clubs and rifle butts and making arrests. The rightful owner of the precious well is driven off, again. The thief who has stolen the well stands beside it together with a small army of soldiers, with their perfectly legal slip of paper, to make sure he gets to keep it.

We have promised the Combatants that we won’t get into any kind of tussle, so slowly—but still almost triumphant—we begin to withdraw. Take it as an object lesson, I say to Amit, a new friend from Tel Aviv. This is how it works. Amit, a doctoral student in philosophy, specialist in Husserl, is incredulous, not for the last time today. Don’t worry, I say; we will yet turn the tide. As we walk, Joseph, by now a stalwart of South Hebron weekends, tells us about the organization called Nefesh be-nefesh, “Soul for Soul”, run by two rabbis in Miami and supported by the Christian Zionist right; they paid him $4000 to come to live in Israel, and they promised him another $4000 if he’d make his home in one of the settlements in the territories.”I wonder,” he says, “if Palestinian Susya would count.”

By now our appetite has been whetted, and Amiel and Ezra decide that our small Ta’ayush contingent will pay a visit, on our way home, to the plot of land that settlers near Hebron have recently stolen from the Ja’abar family; they’ve put up a small, ugly shack on the land, with a “porch” canopied by brown camouflage net. Last week the army chased them off, because of our pressure, but they came back, of course, within a few hours. It’s time to pay them another visit. So we head north in the Palestinian van with Isa, and at some point along the highway we get out and make our way through dessicated vineyards and fallow fields uphill to the Ja’abars and then on to the hilltop and its hut. Some eight or nine settler teenagers in Sabbath white are sitting there, looking rather weary. Our arrival jogs them awake, and a messenger is sent to bring reinforcements; soon some older ones turn up, including a long-haired, wild-eyed boy-man caressing his M-16, his finger on the trigger and the clip loaded inside. He’s crazy, Amiel says, be careful. We stare him down. Amit tries to talk to them—I think he’d like to persuade them by reasoned argument that what they’re doing is immoral—with the usual result. I’m not sure how long the stalemate would have continued if we hadn’t got the call from Isa: settlers are shooting in the village of Khirbet Safa; come at once.

We rush back to the van and race north, turning west at Beit Umar. At once we’re in the heart of Palestine. The roads are riddled with pot-holes, we pass donkeys and horses and rather a lot of goats and olive trees and ragged children. After a while we see that people are standing on their flat root-tops, apparently watching the battle going on in the village below them. And the first noises impinge upon us—the distant drumming of the guns. I am wondering what we’re supposed to do. And what if we get caught between rock-throwing village teenagers and trigger-happy soldiers? Four people died here in the last few days. Some nervous thoughts flit through my brain, I think of my grandchildren, and Eileen, what am I doing here, then I remember my grand-uncle, drowned at seventeen. If only some decent person had been there to help. My head clears. Like any battle-field, this one is confusing; it takes some time, as we proceed into the village, to figure out who is doing what to whom. But half a kilometer or so away we see the army jeeps and half-tracks, and there are also soldiers standing near a wire fence with guns shouldered, as if to provide cover for the settlers. Two blue jeeps of Border Police turn up beside us on the road, and more soldiers jump out and take up their positions, focusing their telescopic sights.

Then it really begins. First the stun grenades, then the rubber-coated bullets—the Palestinians know each lethal genus and genre by the sound—then live bullets, lots of them. Crack crack crack—and the horrible hollow echo each time, as if the shot had turned back on itself and was reaching out toward any soft, vulnerable surface. We take shelter on the porch of a new stone house by the roadside. There are several women draped in black, and a younger one, elegantly dressed, with a baby cradled in a blanket in her arms. I count seven young children. One of the older women is trembling and crying; I wish I could comfort her or calm her. Isa, gallant Isa, with his weak heart, too full of feeling, smiles calmly. He’s another one of God’s miracles, Isa, a man of principle, totally committed to non-violent action, never afraid, never too tired to notice the fear or pain of those around him. It’s worth coming here just to be with Isa. Then there’s our driver, who says to me—echoing my own words earlier to Amit—”It’s a good lesson. This is how things are, most days. It’s a lesson in politics, or in war, in war as a part of politics.” In the midst of it all, the women, intent on caring for their guests under any circumstances, serve tiny cups of Turkish coffee. Minutes pass to the accompaniment of intermittent rifle fire. The white-and-beige goats next door are furiously chewing away at the thorny shrubs in the yard, heedless of the vast ruckus just outside the gate. Maybe they’re used to it by now.

Slowly we piece together from the villagers the story of this afternoon. First the settlers from Bat ‘Ayin came in, shooting their guns. Some of the young men from the village tried to fight back, to protect their homes and families with whatever they had, and all they had was rocks. Then the soldiers arrived to save the settlers and started shooting, and the rock-throwing intensified. This is one way to reconstruct the sequence. By now it hardly matters. The only question is how to stop it.

I hear wailing and screaming from somewhere to my right, amidst the olive trees and terraces, and then Amiel is calling me to come quickly; I was trained as a combat medic, and someone has been hit. I set off running in the direction of the screams, through the trees behind the houses, trying at the same time to find in my shoulder-bag the small set of pads and bandages and the rubber elastic to use as a tourniquet that I always bring along with me to South Hebron. It’s been almost exactly 27 years, I quickly calculate, since I last ran like this to a wounded man, in the first Lebanon war; and God only knows if I’ll remember what to do. They always used to tell us that the knowledge is buried in your fingers and will re-emerge automatically when you need it. I hope they’re right. In any case, there’s no time to think. The wailing intensifies. Suddenly they’re waving to me to turn back; an ambulance has found its way over the hill and driven off with the victim. Later we hear that he’s wounded “moderately.” Could have been worse.

And then we’re back on the street standing right under the soldiers, and stray rocks are crashing down near us, and one of the young student girls who came with us is hit in the leg. She’s a little shaken. A Palestinian woman needs to get home, perhaps she’s worried about her children, she’s afraid to climb the hill alone, so we envelop her on all sides and walk her uphill past the soldiers, who yell at us and try to stop us, but we ignore them and keep walking, and maybe after all we’re finally having some effect on them because at last they hold their fire. Slowly, tentatively, painfully, a certain quiet sinks in as evening comes on and the hills turn purple and then black. As is his wont, Ezra materializes suddenly, just where he is needed; how he got here through all the chaos I will never know, but he is all smiles and he says to us, “You should know that it’s only because we’re here that they’ve stopped shooting.” He’s indomitable, another great innocent, great-hearted and clear; he stops in the street to remonstrate with the young rock-throwers. If only they would learn not to do that. He thinks someday they will learn.

It’s hard to find a good man or a good woman, but I’ve been lucky in this respect. In fact, I’ve surrounded myself with them. As we walk back toward the van, Amit, the philosopher, tells me that this whole business just doesn’t make sense. Why doesn’t the army demolish the rickety hut those settlers have put up on the Ja’abar family’s land? For that matter, why does the State of Israel send its soldiers to protect the settlers in the first place? And what was the point of shooting live bullets at the village once the settlers had been scuttled away? What’s there to be gained from it? Everything seems to him surreal. He’s right. A Jewish pogrom is surreal. He’s learning Greek, it turns out, and they’ve just started reading Plato’s Apology in class. I remember that joy. It feels good, and somehow right, to remember it here in Khirbet Safa, as we prepare to leave. For a passing second I can hear Socrates speaking to the settlers, who would undoubtedly have been all too happy to condemn him to die—who would probably have shot him outright: “Don’t think that by killing someone you can escape being blamed for your own wickedness; that is neither possible nor honorable….Wherefore, O judges, be of good cheer about death, and know of a certainty, that no evil can happen to a good man, either in life or after death. He and his are not neglected by the gods.”

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