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Mohammad Said Kalash, "Offering Reconciliation" exhibit (photo: Ilan Amihai)

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Avi Katz

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David Grossman

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from documentary, Promises

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Joint Appeal for Peace

(Avi Katz)

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Ketubah, Ancona, Italy (1772)

(Jewish Theological Seminary library)

Ancona ketubah

Posts Tagged ‘avi-dichter’

Haaretz Profiles Shabak Director-Designate

Friday, February 25th, 2011

Several months ago, I posted here news from an Israeli source of the designation of Yitzhak Ilan, 54, to be the next Shabak chief.  Israel’s media cannot report his name as it is under gag (the rules state that no one under the rank of agency director can be named publicly, even if they’re long dead).  But his identity is known to most of Israel’s reporters.  Amir Oren profiled Ilan in today’s Haaretz, showering him with praise from current and former directors.  The headline of the story, Who Laughs Last in Shabak, alludes to Ilan’s first name, Yitzhak, deriving from the Hebrew root meaning “to laugh.”  The profile appears to be part of a carefully wrought coming-out party to the Israeli public for the director-to-be.  Part of burnishing his reputation in the mind of the body politic.

Ilan, currently living in Ashdod, is an immigrant from the Republic of Georgia, who came to Israel in 1973.  Oren somewhat ominously notes that Ilan will be the most powerful Georgian ever to have run an intelligence agency since Lavrenti Beria headed the NKVD in Stalin’s (another Georgian native) time.

Ilan joined the Shabak in 1982, recruited for his obvious skills in targeting Soviet spies.  After some time, he apparently surprised his bosses by informing them he wished to change his assignment to the Arab sector, considered more “central” to the function of the spy agency.  His superiors were reluctant to “waste” his native talents with such a move, but Ilan insisted.  He learned Arabic, which became his fifth language after Hebrew, Georgian, Russian and English.  He was assigned to investigations, but his then-boss, Avi Dichter, moved him to field work.

Among the accolades showered on Ilan by his former bosses are: sophisticated, creative and master of trickery.  Dichter raves:

His character, astonishing.  Talented as the devil.  Learned in the sciences.  A wonderful family.

Among the projects in which he ‘distinguished’ himself in his field work in the southern command were the assassinations of Yihyeh “the Engineer” Ayash in 1996, and the 2002 killing of Raad Carmi.  A massive series of retaliatory terror attacks followed Carmi’s murder, but Ilan refuses to see them as that.  Instead, he sees the terror attacks as the work of Carmi himself, being planned by him before his death and executed by his lieutenants.  I must note here that Israel’s intelligence operatives never concede that their violence makes matters worse and Ilan is no different in his blindness.

More recently, Ilan was the head of the Jewish sector of Shabak and as such responsible for sweeping Jack Teitel‘s crimes under the rug in the usual way Jewish terrorists are treated: he received a designation from a psychiatrist that he is unfit to stand trial.  Shabak, ever a creature of routine, follows similar scenarios in investigating and prosecuting both Jews and Arabs.  The former are usually found too crazy to face justice, while the latter are always tortured during interrogation which invariably induces a “confession,” which a judge always allows to be admitted into evidence.

Ilan, however, wasn’t so lucky in his interrogation of Chaim Pearlman, also suspected of murdering Palestinians in cold blood.  Pearlman walked and has never faced trial.  I wonder why Oren’s profile didn’t note any of Ilan’s failures?

Upon his promotion, which awaits the approval of Bibi Netanyahu, Ilan will become the first Georgian to head the agency.  He will also have risen to his position in an unorthodox way given that most Shabak chiefs come from the ranks of the IDF’s élite units.

The tragedy of latter-day Israel is that its Yitzhak Ilans are looked up to as heroes.  Where skills of torture and murder are what qualifies a man to be the head of the nation’s domestic intelligence service.  When peace eventually comes, it is the Ilans of Israel (and their Palestinian counterparts as well) who will be summoned by either a Reconciliation Commission or court to account for their crimes.

Avi Dichter’s Spanish Self-Expulsion, 1492/2010

Tuesday, October 26th, 2010
avi dichter

Avi Dichter: 'Those Spaniards can't expel me, I'll expel myself first!'

One of the most traumatic events of Jewish history was the Spanish expulsion of its large Jewish community beginning in 1492 by the newly triumphant Catholic monarchs Isabella and Ferdinand.  This event marked the beginning of the infamous Inquisition, one of the darkest moments in European history.

Israeli MK, Avi Dichter faced his own self-induced expulsion from Spain recently after he was invited by a Spanish NGO to address a conference about the Israeli-Palestinian peace process.  When the Spanish justice ministry informed him that it could not guarantee him immunity from arrest for his role in the Salah Shehade murders and Operation Cast Lead, he angrily cancelled his trip, thus expelling himself from Spain before he even arrived.

But most entertaining is this ridiculous self-aggrandizing statement from Dichter quoted by Yediot Achronot, which shows that the movement for international accountability for possible Israeli war crimes is powerful and effective in that it’s getting their attention:

“This is not the first time I’ve encountered a situation that entails such a risk, entering a foreign nation and not being certain whether I would be able to leave amicably, without getting arrested. It is important to remember that this is not merely a threat to Avi Dichter; such an arrest also has the ramification of a threat to the nation itself. It’s strange that it is people from the Palestinian Authority, who operated there as part of the Palestinian security mechanisms, and have a very dubious record, can enter the country without trouble. The Spanish must assume responsibility for this matter and I am optimistic that we will extricate ourselves from this in the end.”

He is only partially right: of course this is both an attack on Avi Dichter and his political record and on the Occupation policies of the State.  No, it is not a “threat to the nation.”  That’s where the self-aggrandizement comes in.  This is a threat to the nation’s current policies.  A threat, by the way, that will largely evaporate when the nation changes those policies.  The article notes that Mohammed Dahlan was to be one of the Palestinian participants.  In this, I agree with Dichter.  Dahlan too should be in the dock at the Hague along with Dichter.

As for extricating itself from the issue as Dichter so confidently predicts, there is one way to do that: negotiate a settlement along the lines of the Saudi Initiative.  Till then, Israel and its apparatchiks like Dichter will remain entangled in this thicket of their own making.

H/t Rupa Shah

Shin Bet Hounding Leading Israeli Arab Into Exile?

Thursday, April 12th, 2007

This is one of the stranger posts I’ll have written here about Israeli politics. Usually I have a hard source from either Haaretz or Ynetnews or the New York Times upon which I can base my analysis and commentary. But tonight I have several piecemeal sources none of which tell a complete story.

There is the case of Israel’s leading Arab politician, Azmi Bishara, who has mysteriously left the country for reasons that are unclear with the Israeli chattering classes expecting his resignation from the Knesset. He has not yet resigned and if he does no one is clear about why he would do so. Even stranger, Ynetnews quotes his party, Balad, complaining that an Israeli court has issued a gag order preventing it from discussing the matter:

Harmed by rumors surrounding the disappearance of Balad Chairman Azmi Bishara, faction chairman MK Jamal Zahalka said the party would turn to the High Court of Justice if the gag order on the affair was not lifted.

After leaving country for Jordan, MK’s wife and son return without the Balad party head; reports say Bishara left for Europe after Jordanian foreign minister asked him to respect Hashemite Kingdom’s sovereignty

This would seem to indicate that Bishara may’ve asked Jordan for political asylum and been rebuffed by a kingdom which did not want to rile relations with Israel. No doubt the Shin Bet has also weighed in telling the king it would regard such a gesture as hostile.

Balad comments further on the gag order:

“We find ourselves at a dead end since we cannot talk…We have nothing to hide, on the contrary, we have someone to blame. If the court does not order the gag order to be removed on Sunday, we will go to the High Court of Justice,” Zahalka told Ynet on Thursday.

“We will go all the way to the High Court to realize our right to respond to the fabricated accusations against us, and refute the malicious rumors that are being published through the media,” added Zahalka.

“Bishara is being persecuted because of his political and ideological views, and because of his national and democratic opinions. Former minister Shulamit Aloni has already told the media recently that she thought Shin Bet would try to set him up and this is what we think has happened. We wish to remove the uncertainty, we have a lot to say, if we were only allowed,” he said.

…Either way, Balad is serious about the PR attack it plans to launch once the gag order is removed.

What in the world is going on? After forwarding the Ynetnews link to my good friend and fellow Israeli peace activist, Sol Salbe, we have together come to the conclusion that the Bishara case is part of the Shin Bet’s avowed war against the Israeli Arab leadership, which recently announced a campaign to transform Israel from a Jewish state into a multiethnic democracy:

An attack on the Arab leadership, Zuabi maintains, is a natural response to this defeat. The second cause that she sees is “the vision papers” published in recent months by several Arab organizations, documents that spoke, among other things, about altering the definition of Israel as a Jewish state. “This is a political culture that Balad introduced, and now it’s become dominant in Arab society,” says Zuabi. She believes this is why someone in power decided to get rid of Balad, because “only it is capable of nurturing the idea of rejecting the Jewish state.”

The Shin Bet apparently took these papers quite seriously. About a month ago, the Israeli daily Maariv reported that Shin Bet chief Avi Diskin told the cabinet that these “vision papers” indicate that Israeli Arabs are a “strategic danger.” It’s unclear if he was referring to Bishara specifically but to the vast majority of Israeli Jews Bishara is undeniably the symbol of the threat to the state’s Jewish character. This week, Education Minister Yuli Tamir said that “Bishara has crossed the red line,” and Meretz Chairman MK Yossi Beilin made similar comments.

At the time I first read in Haaretz about the Shin Bet’s brazen declaration of war against Israeli Arabs it was a theoretical matter and I wasn’t clear how the spooks would fight it. The persecution of Bishara seems to be the first major battle in this war.

Sol believes that the Shin Bet has told Bishara that if he does not go into exile that it will arrest him on a security charge. Neither of us knows precisely what Bishara may be charged with. But Bishara visited Syria and Lebanon immediately after last summer’s war and made statements the Israeli government considered objectionable:

[In Syria,] Bishara…warned of the possibility that “Israel launch a preliminary offensive in more than one place, in a bid to overcome the internal crisis in the country and in an attempt to restore its deterrence capability.” …[In] Lebanon, [he] told the Lebanese prime minister that Hizbullah’s resistance to Israel has “lifted the spirit of the Arab people”. Soon thereafter at Interior Minister Roni “Bar-On’s request, Attorney General Menachem Mazuz ordered a criminal investigation be opened against Bashara…” [A]fter Bashara’s last trip in 2001, the Knesset passed a law forbidding MKs from visiting any enemy state.”

There are some other disturbing precedents in Israeli history. In the 1960s, the Shin Bet also waged a war of persecution against Israeli Arab political leaders of the Al Ard movement. The latter was an Arab nationalist movement founded by rebellious young Israeli Arab intellectuals devoted to the teachings of Gamel Nasser. The movement rejected the traditional Arab politics of the Communist party in favor of a more authentically nationalist politics. Israeli intelligence saw Al-Ard as a serious threat and when it put forward a list for the 1965 Knesset, the party was banned. Several members including Mahmoud Darwish, one of the greatest contemporary Arab poets, went into exile.

Sol sees the Bishara case in much the same light. The Shin Bet is threatening either to ban Balad or prosecute Bishara for national security breaches or both. They have directed him to leave the country voluntarily and resign from the Knesset. If most or all of what Sol and I surmise this would mean the most egregious governmental assault on Israeli Arab political life in a generation.

I should make clear that Sol and I are speculating based on putting two and two together from various reports we have read from the Israeli Hebrew and English language press. Unfortunately, we can do no more than speculate because it appears that the news media is either being prevented from reporting this story fully or Balad is prevented from responding fully to whatever charges are being levelled against it.

I recently read an article in Haaretz saying that Israeli Arab political leaders planned a full-scale public relations campaign against the Shin Bet’s assault. I thought it was a strange pronouncement since the public didn’t know then precisely what the Shin Bet planned. But apparently Balad even then had a pretty fair idea of what was in store. And their response was dead on. Whatever shenanigans are going on here must see the clear light of day. As we here in this country know in light of revelations of Bush Administration violations of human rights using the cover of secrecy, tyranny loves darkness. The Shin Bet must be made to answer for its actions. It must not be allowed to hound Azmi Bishara into silence or exile without a fair hearing. If Israel is a true democracy and not a security state masquerading as a democracy, it is the least we can expect.

Israeli Arabs have every right as citizens of the state to agitate for their rights. They have every right to do precisely what Martin Luther King did here in the 1960s–to transform America from a land of the free only for some of its citizens into a land of the free for all its citizens. If Israeli Arabs seek to change the nature of Israel they will not destroy the state. They will never be able to transform Israel without the consent of Jewish citizens. But they have every right to lobby for their vision of what Israel should be. Just as Jews have every right to counter with their own vision. That is what a democracy is. What a democracy is NOT–is one in which the majority cows the minority into submission through hounding, persecution and prison.

UPDATE: An Italian left publication, Il Manifesto, adds some interestesting speculation to the mix on April 8th:

According to rumours, the security services are expected to have records of phone talks between Bishara and some leading members from Hezbollah, among which is General Secretary Hassan Nasrallah himself, which came about during the days of the devastating Israeli offensive in southern Lebanon and the katyushia rockets being launched against Galilee.

Fundamentally, Bishara would seem to be accused of keeping contacts with the enemy during wartime. Yet, it looks quite improbable that Nasrallah, Israeli air force’s target, hidden in a secret place under very strict security measures, might have phoned during the war (phone lines, not least the mobile phone ones, are a formidable means in the secret services’ hands to find people) in order to engage himself in conversations with Bishara who is, in turn, kept under constant surveillance.

Washington Post Paean to Israeli Policy of Targeted Killings

Wednesday, August 30th, 2006

I was reading the New Israel Fund’s NIF Blog yesterday which featured a column by Larry Garber, the executive director. I have nothing but respect and admiration for NIF and Larry. But I was taken aback by his recommendation of a Washington Post article about Israel’s campaign of targeted killings against Palestinian militants: In Israel, a Divisive Struggle Over Targeted Killing

It is essentially a paean to Israeli military intelligence and its supposed moral conscience when it comes to targeted killings. The article is full of unsubstantiated claims about the targets & victims of these tactics, and is backed up by nothing more than a senior Israeli intelligence officer’s say-so. The supposedly conflicted moral consciences of these officials are presented as the epitome of ethical behavior. No where in this article is a Palestinian–or any doubter’s–point of view on the tactic presented. Could it be that the IDF & Mossad have taken such a shellacking lately that they feel a need to present a more moral face to the world? This is a dream piece for that purpose. I wonder whether it also might not suit Moshe Yaalon’s expected return to Israeli politics when his diplomatic tour ends in Washington soon for him to be presented as the tormented Hamlet of this story.

The article begins with a dramatic flourish worthy of a Tom Clancy movie. The scene is set in the Israeli general’s home with children playing gleefully in the background. So cinematic and so human!

Israel’s top military commander sat on the edge of his bed, talking on the phone, rubbing his forehead. The bedroom door was closed, muffling the Saturday clink and giggle of his children at lunch. His chief of operations was on the gray, secure phone, the line that rang louder and sharper and made his heart beat fast.

The report came from the war room: The bomb was falling .

Of course, this being a potential Hollywood screenplay, the reporter holds back the outcome of the bombing till the very end of the piece. Suffice to say, I’m going to break the spell and reveal to you that the IDF had hit the spook’s jackpot and hoped to kill the entire senior leadership of Hamas, which was meeting in a Gaza apartment building.

The date was September 6, 2003, and Israel and Hamas were in the midst of an ongoing war of terror and counter-terror. But that setting of tremendous mutual violence doesn’t give the reporter the right to make this unverified statement:

Eight Hamas leaders had gathered to plan terrorist attacks, Israeli intelligence reported.

Well, sure we have Israeli intelligence’s word that this was the meeting agenda. But how do we know that its word is accurate?

From the perspective of an Israeli general, all Hamas leaders are terrorists thus the meeting could have been about no other subject than planning terror attacks. But the reality is often different than what Israel proclaims. Here is Dan Halutz setting the scene for us and evaluating the target:

“It was like bin Laden, Zarqawi and Zawahiri in a meeting, and having the capability to hit them,” said Lt. Gen. Dan Halutz, then the air force chief, and now the military chief of staff.

As Ronald Reagan used to say: “There he goes again.” Notice Halutz conveniently associates the Hamas leaders with Al Qaeda much the same distorted way that Rumsfeld and Cheney do. But who were those Hamas leaders meeting that day? One of them was Ismail Haniye, the current Palestinian prime minister. In this single fact, we see the essentially flawed nature of targeted assassination as a tactic. Who can say that the man you kill today would not become the political leader who, in future, might resolve the conflict between your two nations?

The other major figure at the meeting was Sheik Ahmed Yassin, Hamas’ titular leader. Though Israel did not succeed in killing him that day, it did kill him eventually by, in the memorably charming words of an Israeli general quoted in this article, “a missile in his lap.” By killing the relatively moderate Yassin, Israel bumped to the head of the Hamas leadership line, Khaled Meshal. He’s the one who’s caused Israel no end of headaches by masterminding the kidnapping of Gilad Shalit in Gaza. Meshal is generally considered by almost everyone to be among the most intransigent of all Hamas’ leaders. That’s what targeted assassinations do. They bring leaders even worse than the ones you’ve killed.

But if you hear Halutz tell it, targeted killing is a stellar counter-terror tactic:

“It is the most important, the most important, method of fighting terror,” Halutz said.

Oh really? Let’s hear from the reporter herself on that subject:

In Lebanon last month, Israel targeted a bunker that officials believed held Hezbollah’s leadership, pounding it with 23 tons of explosives.

Didn’t work that time now did it? Didn’t work numerous times in the past months in Gaza when the IAF serially erred in killing numerous civilians in multiple failed targeted killings. I have a question to ask this reporter: why has she provided no voice questioning this bald, unproven assumption by Halutz? Are we to trust the general’s statement on faith? Remember, this is the same dude who brought Shock and Awe II to Lebanon where it seemed to flop big-time at the box office. How trustworthy is this guy’s judgment that he should go unchallenged?

Here is another Israeli general’s moral argument for extrajudicial assassination:

“We face a tragic dilemma,” said Maj. Gen. Amos Yadlin, chief of military intelligence. “A terrorist is going to enter a restaurant and blow up 20 people. But if we blow up his car, three innocent people in the car will die. How do we explain it to ourselves?”

That’s all very nice. Except that the scenario is entirely out of date. The chosen weapon of Palestinian militants is no longer the suicide bomb. Rather, most energy seems to be directed toward the questionable tactic of raining Qassam rockets on southern Israel. So almost all recent targeted killings have been against rocket launching crews. Yadlin neglected to use this as his example because Qassams have caused very little damage to Israel and it just doesn’t make as compelling an argument.

This is one of my favorite sections from the argument which supposedly bolsters the image of Israeli intelligence as morally sensitive souls:

One morning in 2002, Yadlin recalled, he “woke up horrified” to learn that 15 Palestinian civilians had been killed in an operation. That afternoon, Yadlin called Asa Kasher, a philosophy professor, and began working on ethical guidelines for fighting terrorism. They also asked a mathematician to write a formula to determine acceptable civilian casualties per dead terrorist.

I find it amusing that Yadlin needed a philosophy professor to help him make this tactic ethically acceptable. As for the mathematician, that one literally made me belly laugh the first time I read it. It was a dark, bitter laugh by the way. But hey, the Israelis really do have such a formula. I kid you not:

How many civilian casualties were acceptable? The mathematician whom the military had enlisted had failed to produce a formula. Reisner, who had stipulated that targeted killing was legal “only if all is done to minimize civilian casualties,” served on a seven-member committee that also failed to agree on a standard they could use. The numbers the men had suggested averaged 3.14 civilian deaths per dead terrorist, Reisner recalled. If the civilians were children, the figure was smaller.

Israel has a cost-benefit analysis for an acceptable number of civilian deaths in its attacks. To me, this is the ultimate abuse of mathematics and statistics. How do you possibly with a straight face contend that there is an acceptable margin of error in these attacks??

Blumenfeld, in her ongoing attempt at cinematic storytelling, presents a good cop, bad cop relationship between Avi Dichter, head of the Mossad, and Moshe Yaalon, military chief of staff. Dichter is the bloodthirsty killer. Yaalon the general with a tormented conscience:

But for Yaalon, military chief of staff from 2002 to 2005, the Talmudic precept, “If he comes to kill you, kill him first,” conflicted with a Biblical commandment, “Thou shall not kill.”

You mean to tell me that Yaalon thinks about the Ten Commandments before he kills Palestinians? Gimme a break. I think this is a question of the reporter getting a bit overwrought in her prose style.

And in case, you didn’t catch the fact that Yaalon is the good guy in this piece, Blumenfeld writes:

“It’s the lives of Israelis on one hand, the lives of Palestinians on the other,” Yaalon said, balancing his palms like the scales of justice. He is a tall, balding man, with sloping shoulders, thick glasses and a taste for meditative poetry. As a youth, Yaalon joined the leftist kibbutz movement. Despite decades of fighting, he still seems startled by its viciousness.

“When I sign the orders,” he said, “my hand trembles.”

I’m touched. But you do have to give Yaalon credit in one sense. His successor as chief of staff, Dan Halutz, made a memorable comment when asked if he felt anything when he dropped a bomb on a Palestinian target. “Just a slight tremble of the wings (of the plane) is all,” was his reply. Israel seems to have transferred supreme military authority from a man with some conscience to one who has never been burdened by one.

In discussing the history of Israeli targeted assassinations, the Post writer interviews Ehud Barak about his experience as a IDF assassin. He again provides charmingly witty banter about his experience:

In 1973, in Beirut, wearing high heels and a woman’s wig, Barak helped gun down three of the terrorists who murdered 11 Israeli athletes at the Munich Olympics. “I was a brunette, I had a strawberry blonde behind me,” Barak said, with a small smile.

This must be what passes for pleasant cocktail banter at parties in the Barak household. You get the feeling that he’s told the story a million times before and has that ‘small smile’ down pat.

And lest you think that this policy of extrajudicial murder was devised by some bloodthirsty Likud PM like Netanyahu or Sharon–not true. It comes to you thanks to that Labor paragon of peace: Barak. Seems he wanted to get some of that fun back in his life in 2000 and decided to go back to his Munich days and ways. This time he needed some legal cover to justify what he intended to do:

Barak…secretly asked Daniel Reisner, a legal adviser to Arab-Israeli peace talks, to determine whether targeted killings were legal. Reisner agonized for six weeks. “It was a feeling of — what on Earth has happened?” Reisner recalled. “Instead of two states living amicably side by side, I have to write opinions on how and when we kill each other.”

Yes, indeed. I’m sure he agonized. He knew what his client wanted and he provided it. Is there any doubt what he advised Barak despite all these tortured moral misgivings?

Reisner concluded it was legal, with six conditions: that arrest is impossible; that targets are combatants; that senior cabinet members approve each attack; that civilian casualties are minimized; that operations are limited to areas not under Israeli control; and that targets are identified as a future threat. Unlike prison sentences, targeted killing cannot be meted out as punishment for past behavior, Reisner said. In 2002, a military panel established that targeting cannot be for revenge, but only for deterrence.

Israel no longer seems to observe several of these criteria. The most glaring one is ensuring the “civilian casualties are minimized.” This past summer my blog has been full of IDF mistakes in Gaza in which scores of Palestinians have been killed in such incidents. In addition, now instead of killing masterminds of massive terror attacks the IDF kills guys running through the streets with rocket launchers which inflict almost no damage on their intended target. As for the other criteria, they sound laudable. But how much do you think they’re honored in the breach? And especially now that the IDF is run by a man who feels nothing more than a slight tremble of the wings when he orders a man’s death.

If Yaalon comes across as Hamlet in this story, Dichter comes across as Atilla the Hun. He has no remorse, no conscience. He’s there to get the job done and the job is killing them before they kill us (or at least how he views it):

…For Avi Dichter “After each success, the only thought is, ‘Okay, who’s next?’ We really have a bottleneck,” the former Shin Bet chief said. One time they completed a killing at 5:30 a.m. “I said, ‘What are we going to do for the rest of the day?’ Nothing limits Hamas attacks, except terrorists still prefer their heads attached to their shoulders. If the M-16 delivers the message, the F-16 delivers it better.”

Splendid. Do I hear ‘war criminal’ anyone?

Here Dichter reveals the profound limitations of his counter-terror world view:

For Dichter, “the barrel of terrorism has a bottom.” If you captured or killed enough terrorists, Dichter believed, the problem would be solved. “They deserved a bomb that would send the dream team to hell,” Dichter said. “I said, ‘If we miss this opportunity, more Israelis will die.’ “

The truth is that the barrel has no bottom. You can kill them by the barrel-full and it will not slow the process of terror down. And it certainly will not “solve” the problem though it may give you an short interval until the next terror leader emerges, who may be more dangerous, more lethal and more intransigent than the previous one.

But I regret to say that Yaalon’s perspective isn’t much more persuasive:

Yaalon disagreed: “We won’t get to the bottom of the barrel by killing terrorists. We’ll get there through education.

Is this the best that Hamlet can muster? ‘Educate’ your enemy and he will become your friend?

Blumenfeld presents as a core ethical argument in this incident the decision of how large a bomb to drop on the building where the meeting was occurring. Dichter argued for a larger payload and Yaalon for a smaller one to minimize the possibility of civilian casualties. Though how Yaalon could believe that dropping even a quarter ton bomb in a densely packed urban area would eliminate the possibility of civilian deaths–is beyond me.

In pondering the problem of civilian casualties, the Washington Post journalist presents the usual IDF statistics claiming it has improved its error rate over the years. But she does acknowledge a certain fall-off in that department with the murders of scores of Gaza civilians this year. But it all can be explained so neatly and tidily by the IDF, and believe me they will:

David Siegel, a government spokesman, said the air force launched three times as many targeted attacks in the first eight months of 2006 as it had in all of 2005, increasing the probability of mistakes.

I feel reassured, don’t you? It’s all a matter of statistics, not pilot or spotter error. And certainly not an error in the relying on the tactic in the first place.

Now let’s return to our Hamlet:

Only once, Yaalon said, did he knowingly authorize a hit that would also kill a noncombatant, the wife of Salah Shehada. Shehada helped found Hamas’s military wing, which had asserted responsibility for killing 16 soldiers and 220 Israeli civilians. In 2002, the air force dropped a one-ton bomb on his home. The blast also destroyed a neighboring house, which Yaalon said he had thought was empty. Fifteen civilians were killed, including nine children. It felt, Yaalon said, “like something heavy fell on my head.”

I’ll bet he did. Something else heavy may fall on him sometime in the future–a indictment by the International Criminal Court. But never fear, when our good general kills the innocent wife of a guerrilla, he can still stand himself in the morning when he looks in the mirror:

When Yaalon makes this kind of decision, he said, it must pass “the mirror test”: At the end of the day, will he be able to look at himself in the mirror?

For those of you sitting on the edge of your seat wanting to know how it comes out: they dropped the bomb and it missed. But discovering the thought process that went into this decision is unnerving:

Then an agent offered an intriguing piece of information. The house was three stories high. The curtains were closed on the third floor. Perhaps the Hamas leaders were meeting up there?

Gallant, the prime minister’s adviser, called Sharon with a revised battle plan from Yaalon: The air force could drop a smaller bomb — a quarter-ton — destroy only the third floor and spare the civilians next door.

You decide to drop a bomb on a particular floor of a building based on the supposition that closed curtains mean that people are meeting there? Are they kidding? I’m no intelligence maven, but this bit of “thinking” doesn’t pass my smell test. It’s no wonder they were wrong:

…The [Hamas] men were gathered on the ground floor of the house. The quarter-ton bomb destroyed only the third floor. Abu Ras’s wife and four children, on the second floor, survived. And the Hamas leadership was safe.

What lesson has Dapper Dan Halutz learned from all this? Drop a bigger bomb:

“I’d say we should have used the heaviest bomb to ensure this leadership would be eliminated, and to save Palestinian and Israeli lives.”

It’s arguable that such killing would save Israeli lives, but that it will save Palestinian lives?? Is the man out of his mind??

Avi Dichter’s Diplomatic Opening to Syria Slapped Down

Monday, August 21st, 2006

This is the way it always seems to go with Israeli politics vis a vis its Arab neighbors. A politician makes a brave proposal for negotiations rather than military force to resolve a conflict with one or another of its enemies. The initiative makes a stir in the press and within the Israeli public. Until people realize they might actually have to give up something and compromise in order to realize the goal of the initiative. That’s what happened when the current Internal Security Minister, Avi Dichter, himself a former Shin Bet chief, stated the obvious:

“In exchange for peace with Syria, Israel can leave the Golan Heights.”

In an interview with Israel Army Radio, Dichter brought up: “We have paid similar territorial prices for peace with Jordan and Egypt.”

…”Any political process is preferable to a military-fighting process, be it with Syria or with Lebanon, ” Dichter continued. He estimated that “in regards to Lebanon, the conditions will be determined in discussions of this sort, even before Syria. Lebanon is capable today to enter into such a process with Israel even without a parallel process with Syria.”

“Syria is a very significant country for us in regards to the texture of life in the region,” the minister said. “I think that a process of discussions with Syria is legitimate. If it turns out that there is someone to talk to, I think that the idea is very suitable. Israel can initiate it. Ultimately, initiatives of this kind are of a third party – and there is an abundance of third parties in the world. If a third party approaches us, we must reply in the positive.”

On this point, Dichter is asked about the cost. He responded: “We know the costs. We are experienced in setting prices. We have gone before two countries, Jordan and Egypt, and arranged the issues. We attempted with the Palestinian Authority, but unfortunately it didn’t succeed.

“But that doesn’t mean that with other countries like Lebanon or Syria it won’t succeed, and maybe this will make it clear to the Palestinians that there is no chance for any state to make achievements through war with us.”

“The Golan Heights has tremendous significance for us,” said Dichter. “I am not suggesting that we take it lightly whether or not we withdraw to the water line or not, because in the Middle East, without water, there are very difficult problems.”

Despite everything, the internal security minister declared that if the relevant arrangements are ensured, he is prepared – in exchange for full peace – “even to return to the international border.”

Dichter’s initiative had previously been suggested by Amir Peretz just after the war ended. Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni, a seeming dove in the internal cabinet debate over Lebanon strategy, has appointed a representative to prepare the groundwork for a Syria track to Israeli diplomacy.

Yet despite all these positive signs, the requisite smackdown has occurred. Peretz has backpedaled on his previous endorsement of this idea:

Defense Minister Amir Peretz backtracked Monday on a proposal to negotiate with Syria. “At present, conditions are not ripe for it, but I certainly see dialogue with Syria in the future,” Peretz said during a meeting in Jerusalem with United Nations special envoy Terje Roed-Larsen.

Coming from a former Peace Now activist who just took Israel through the most disastrous war in its history are we at all surprised to see Peretz reversing course like this?

But the worst opprobrium goes to Ehud Olmert who put the kibosh on the notion of Syria negotiations in typically obtuse Israeli fashion:

Prime Minister Ehud Olmert said Monday…”Israel won’t negotiate with those who give refuge to terror and who are part of the axis of evil.”

He added: “There are those who say that Bashar Assad should be embraced. I say clearly, let’s not forget the thousands of missiles that fell here in the last month. They all passed through Damascus and some of them were even made in Damascus.”

The NY Times also characterizes Olmert’s comments on this subject:

Mr. Olmert said he favored negotiations, but not while the Syrian leader, Bashar al-Assad, continues to support groups that Israel and the United States label as terrorist organizations, like Hezbollah and Hamas.

“Before we negotiate with Syria, they should stop financing terror; before we negotiate with Bashar Assad, let him stop launching missiles by means of Hezbollah onto the heads of innocent Israelis,” Mr. Olmert said. “And before we sit down to negotiate, let them stop funding Hamas’s murder, sabotage and terror. If they meet all these tests we shall negotiate with them.”

It is just so typical for Israel to attempt to lay down conditions under which it will deign to talk to its enemies. All this tells me that unfortunately Israel is still not desperate enough for peace. It will take the deaths of more of its best and brightest before such desperation will lead to the realization that a different approach is called for. It was Abba Eban who disparagingly said of the Arabs: “They never miss an opportunity to miss an opportunity.” This statement is, of course, precisely apt for Israeli policy as well. Never was it more apt than regarding Dichter’s promising proposal. Perhaps, despite the sound rejection from the PM, something may come of it down the line.

Israel’s Confused Strategy Against Hezbollah

Tuesday, July 25th, 2006

You can judge the success of a military or political campaign by the consistency of the message conveyed about goals and strategy. One measure of the failure of Israel’s strategy in southern Lebanon is the shifting sands of its goals vis a vis Hezbollah. When the war began 11 days ago, the first statements from the IDF and political echelon ambitiously called for the elimination of Hezbollah and “changing the rules” in Lebanon:

Israel’s military operation in Lebanon is designed to cripple Hezbollah by destroying its headquarters, weapons stockpiles and supply network, and eventually eliminating the militant group, Israeli officials and analysts said yesterday.

Targeting Hezbollah’s leadership is a secondary priority for the time being, they said, although Israel would not hesitate to act if it had credible intelligence regarding the whereabouts of the militia’s leaders.

“We are trying to create a new reality that would not enable Hezbollah to operate,” one Israeli official said.
Washington Times, July 19, 2006

The NY Times notes changes in Israeli pronouncements about its campaign again Hezbollah:

A week ago, Israeli officials said their military had knocked out up to half of Hezbollah’s rocket launchers and suggested that another week or two would finish the job of incapacitating the Lebanese militia. That talk has largely stopped.

Hezbollah is still launching 100 rockets a day at Israel [another Israeli civilian was killed today by a Katyusha], nearly as many as it did at the start of the war. Soldiers return from forays into Lebanon saying the network of bunkers and tunnels is more sophisticated than expected. And Iranian-made long-range missiles apparently capable of hitting Tel Aviv remain in the Hezbollah arsenal.

“Two weeks after Israel set out to defeat Hezbollah, its military achievements are pretty limited,” lamented Yoel Marcus, a columnist and supporter of the war, in the daily Haaretz on Tuesday.

In other words, instead of starting out with a limited military operation with the goal of bloodying Hezbollah’s nose and projecting Israel’s deterrent power, the IDF began with a maximal strategy which has proven not just unrealistic, but unachievable. The result has been a change in rhetoric regarding Hezbollah. You no longer hear the generals boasting about the eventual elimination of Hezbollah. Now, unfortunately too late, they realize that they cannot defeat Hezbollah:

A government minister, Eitan Cabel, a former paratrooper, caused a stir on Sunday when he expressed disappointment in the performance and speed of the army. “I admit I had hoped for better from the army,” he said, arguing that it was illusory to try “completely to eliminate Hezbollah as an armed force in Lebanon.”

This statement from one of Ehud Olmert’s senior security advisors displays the utter confusion at the heart of Israel’s strategy:

Avi Dichter, Israel’s public security minister, said the military objective in southern Lebanon was to weaken Hezbollah to the point where it could not seriously threaten Israel from the border area.

“From an Israeli perspective, the target is not to totally dismantle Hezbollah,” said Mr. Dichter, a former director of the Shin Bet security agency. Israel, he said, was “hoping that somehow we’ll succeed in setting up a new situation between Israel and Hezbollah.”

Interesting how in a mere seven days the Israeli strategy morphed from destroying Hezbollah to “weakening” it; from dismantling it to “not totally dismantling it.” Dichter also expresses a vague hope that “somehow” Israel will set up a new dynamic between it and the Lebanese militants. That’s a far cry from the earlier confidence Israel expressed that it could “change the rules” in Lebanon.

It reminds me of the blithe early statements we heard about a U.S. plan to administer Iraq after our victory. If there was such a plan it certainly never was carried out, or at least not effectively. I’m afraid a senior minister who hopes that “somehow” Israel will achieve its goals is doing the Israeli people a great disservice. This is clearly a failed policy which even Dichter cannot enunciate clearly. It has no clearly achievable objectives and is a recipe for disaster.

This change from ringing confidence and bellicosity to chastened humility is precisely what has happened to the U.S. mission in Iraq. We went from “mission accomplished” to Bush’s current deer-in-the-headlights look whenever he talks about Iraq. Israel is due for the same type of rude awakening in Lebanon.

Israeli Mideast Analyst Calls for Finding “Pragmatic Way to Live with Hamas”

Wednesday, March 8th, 2006

Just in case Kadima’s leading lights–Olmert, Dichter, Livni and Mofaz–ever tire of their hysterical anti-Hamas grandstanding in the runup to the Israeli elections, they would profit by reading this piece of reasoned analysis by Prof. Asher Susser at the Israel Policy Forum website. Susser is Distinguished Professor of History at Tel Aviv University and director of the Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies. In his column, he lays out the likely scenario for near term political developments in the Israeli-Palestinian relationship. I agree most strongly with his warnings against allowing ideology to stand in the way of pragmatism in dealing with Hamas. I have some reservations about other matters he discusses.

asher susserAsher Susser: speaking sense about Hamas (passia.org)

Susser notes that Israel will likely complete the Separation Wall within the year:

The current thinking in Israeli political circles is that after Israel’s elections March 28th, the first thing the new government will have to do is to complete the security fence in the West Bank. This should be accomplished by the end of the year…

Completing the fence will create a new political and security dynamic that will allow Israel to safely contemplate more withdrawals. There will be approximately 70,000 Israeli settlers on the “wrong” (eastern) side of the fence and about 150,000 Israelis settlers on what one could call the “right side” of the fence, that is within the security boundary, even though it strays from the 1967 line.

As time goes by, the people on the wrong side of the fence will probably find it more and more difficult – for political and logistical reasons – to live in the middle of the West Bank. And there is an expectation that some of these people, if encouraged with fair compensation, may begin to return to Israel voluntarily. And this would create a situation where another disengagement – this time from most of the West Bank – could make sense.

My main disagreement with this argument is that it posits a nicely orchestrated series of steps which logically lead up to disengagement. But I do not feel that the Separation Wall will have the desired effect of soothing the Israeli psyche or of preventing terror. Further, it will be far too tempting to do what Ehud Olmert is already trying to do: tell the world that Israel’s permanent international border should more or less follow the path of the current Separation Fence.

To his credit, Susser tries to lay out a different approach:

Of course, none of this means the fence will be Israel’s permanent eastern border. That border will have to be eventually negotiated with the Palestinians, as will the issue of Jerusalem and the fate of the Palestinian refugees. But it could serve as a temporary boundary until that time comes. It would mean the creation of a provisional Palestinian area, with which Israel will one day negotiate the outstanding final status issues.

Olmert does not believe that Israel will have to negotiate is borders “eventually” with the Palestinians and he certainly won’t negotiate with them about Jerusalem or refugees. Those like Susser who posit the Separation Wall as a temporary edifice will live to rue the day they said this. I predict that unless challenged, the Separation Barrier will start out as temporary in much the same way that Israel began settlements in the West Bank in 1967 (it thought it would place temporary settlements there until Jordan sat down to negotiate a peace deal). Eventually, the Wall will become just as permanent in most Israeli’s eyes as the West Bank settlements now are.

The wisest sentiments here are reserved for Hamas and what Israel’s policy should be towards this problematic organization:

So Hamas will have to find a pragmatic way to live with Israel, just as Israel will have to develop a pragmatic way to live with Hamas. In short, we are not actually in a revolutionarily different situation than we were before the elections.

In order to find a way to live with Hamas, I believe we should put them to the test: not in the ideological sphere, but based on their behavior. I don’t think that we should demand that Hamas rewrite their charter and recognize Israel’s right to exist, etc. The PLO – with whom we negotiated for years – did neither of these things. The PLO did not recognize Israel’s right to exist but, more importantly, it recognized Israel.

Israel should say to Hamas: “If you keep the peace, stop terrorism, and maintain law and order in the Palestinian territories, we can live with that. Israel would resume transferring tax payments to the Palestinians and could even coordinate with the PA on certain social service issues. But if you return to violence and tolerate lawlessness, you will pay the price.” With that, Israel can leave it up to them to decide how they will act.

We know they have long-term designs on Israel’s destruction. I do not think that their designs are achievable and, frankly, they can have whatever long-term designs they like. I don’t expect them to become Israel’s best friend. This relationship is not fundamentally different from our ties with the rest of the Arab world, even those with whom Israel has made peace. We don’t expect a warm peace with Hamas, but would be satisfied if we could reach a safe, pragmatic, modus vivendi.

So in essence, Susser is saying to the Kadima grandstanders: “cut the crap with laying down ideological conditions and expecting Ismail Haniye to sing Ha-Tikvah and salute the Israeli flag. Not only ain’t it gonna happen…there’s no reason it should. Israel needs good behavior from Hamas not ideolgoical purity.”

Ehud Olmert doesn’t strike me as the kind of guy who sits in his office or home reading the writings of Mideast analysts (especially ones he doesn’t agree with). So I doubt Susser’s piece will cross his desk. But he’d profit from reading the views of a pragmatic and reasonable Israeli academic on the subject.

Senior Kadima Security Official Calls for Killing of Hamas Legislative Leader

Tuesday, March 7th, 2006

Robert Rosenberg reports in Ariga.com that senior Kadima security official, Avi Dichter, is calling for the imprisonment or assassination of Hamas’ legislative leader, Ismail Haniye:

avi dichterAvi Dichter, Kadima security adviser or gangster? (photo: Ariel Jerozolimski/Jerusalem Post

…Former Shin Bet chief Avi Dichter promise[s] to either arrest the designated Hamas prime minister, Ismail Haniye, ‘or send him to meet with Sheikh Ahmed Yassin,’ the Hamas founder who was assassinated by Israel…

Defense Minister Shaul Mofaz has joined in according to Haaretz:

Defense Minister Shaul Mofaz said Tuesday that the pace of Israeli assassination operations would continue, and that Israel could even target Palestinian prime minister-designate Ismail Haniyeh if Hamas renewed terror attacks on Israelis…

“If Hamas as a terror organization faces us with this challenge of the state of Israel confronting a terrorist organization, no one there is immune, not just Ismail Haniyeh, no one there is immune,” Mofaz told Army Radio, echoing comments over the past several weeks by Acting Prime Minister Ehud Olmert’s security adviser.

“We will continue with this pace of focused preventations [sic],” Mofaz said, using an official euphemism for assassinations…

“The moment Hamas chooses the path of terror, there is no question here of political or non-political (leadership). This would be a terrorist leadership, and therefore none of its members would be immune,” Mofaz said.

Admittedly, these types of bellicose statements from Israelis leaders are always made to score points and we are in an election campaign. Remember that Ehud Olmert himself floated as a trial balloon in the pages of the Jerusalem Post the idea of assassinating Yaser Arafat. But the problem with statements like this is that they take on a life of their own. And once they leave the mouth, they have a habit of activating an itchy trigger finger. Besides, one could argue that no one had elected Arafat democratically as Palestinian leader. The same cannot be said for Haniye, who was elected by the Palestinians to their new parliament and designated by Hamas to be speaker. How can someone like Dichter even think of making such an unbuttoned remark unless he wishes to reveal his utter contempt for Palestinian democracy and the Palestinian people? I’m not naive enough to think that Dichter would feel any such constraints. But someone ought to tell these Kadima gangsters that suggesting that a Palestinian leader ought to sleep with the fishes doesn’t look too good in the eyes of the international community, which generally frowns upon nations which liquidate the elected leaders of other countries.

Rosenberg also notes the problematic nature of Olmert’s recent proposal to unilaterally disengage from some 90% of the West Bank while attempting to fix an internationally-recognized border roughly along the route of the Separation Wall:

There’s an eagerness among Israelis to believe that more ‘unilateral disengagements’ will make their lives quieter, which is about the most Israelis hope for nowadays — peace, as a viable concept is pretty much off the agenda. Olmert’s message is not he’ll bring peace, but that a Kadima government will draw Israel’s final borders. But considering the final borders that Kadima’s spokesmen are talking about essentially carve the West Bank into small enclaves of Palestinian ‘self-rule’ that the Israelis want to call a state, and leave much more than 7-8 percent along the Green Line in Israeli hands, it is highly unlikely that the ‘unilateral disengagement’ will guarantee Israel anything other than more conflict with the Palestinians and more international disapproval.

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