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Posts Tagged ‘amir-peretz’

Can Amir Peretz Win?

Thursday, December 1st, 2005

Dan Ben Simon, a senior political columnist for Israel’s Haaretz, has written an extremely upbeat assessment of Amir Peretz’s chances of winning the upcoming Knesset election. It is featured at the Israel Policy Forum website. Ben Simon isn’t just talking about Peretz improving Labor’s showing in the next Knesset, he’s saying he thinks Peretz can poll more votes than Sharon’s Kadima.

Considering Israel’s media coverage yesterday of polls indicating that Peres’ jump to Kadima may push new voters Sharon’s way, Ben Simon is being extremely optimistic. But hey, there’s far too much pessimism going around the Middle East right about now and I like a man who bucks the trend. As for me, I think the media made too much of the poll in Sharon’s favor and I think Ben Simon may be speaking more from his heart than his head regarding Peretz’s chances. So I come down somewhere in between. The race will be a close one and perhaps a few seats will separate Kadima and Labor.

The unknown for me is how a political firebrand like Peretz will fit in a coalition with Ariel Sharon. They seem the oddest of odd couples.

Ben Simon has also written a scathing post mortem on Peres’ jumping ship for Haaretz:

But the simple folk [i.e. Israeli voters], those who have it tough, those with morals and a conscience who truly have the good of the country at the forefront of their concerns, have always seen him as an incorrigible opportunist, a politician lacking in qualities, a power-hungry individual who became addicted to the pleasures of the government.

And this is the reason they humiliated him time and again. Every time he ran for office, the voters pushed him away from the centers of national responsibility. Because they knew, with their sharp senses, that this is a man who has no God other than his personal good…

One cannot avoid coming to the conclusion that the reason Peres left his political home is the reason voiced by his brother, Gershon, another renowned philosopher [!]. There is no escaping the conclusion that evil and ugly motives were behind the decision to jump ship – not ideology or anything else like that. Amir Peretz is simply not “one of us.” He is “different” and he looks “different.”

A chapter in the Labor movement has been closed. The eternal leader who came across as an electoral barrier to large segments of the public has upped and left. Now, he has become Ariel Sharon’s problem.

Likud is Down and Peres is Out

Thursday, December 1st, 2005
Shimon Peres withdraws from LaborPeres telling the world he’s with Arik. Is this man looking like a walking political cadaver? (credit: AP)

Peres: I’m Outa Here

As usual over the past month, yesterday had tons of fast-paced developments on the Israeli political scene. Peres made public the worst kept secret of Israeli politics–that he’s done with Labor and throwing in his lot with Sharon and Kadima. What I find interesting about Peres’ choice is that while all of Israeli politics has, in the past month, shifted left by a striking degree (Peretz’s Labor leadership victory and Sharon’s abandonment of Likud), Peres is the only one shifting right. To me it indicates that he himself has lost his bearings after his loss to Peretz and that a good portion of his decision is due to rancor toward the new leader. It’s always a shame to make long-term political decisions out of pique and personal hurt.

Peres explained his thinking at a press conference yesterday:

“I don’t believe that it is possible to push forward the peace process in the current political constellation [i.e. by staying in Labor],” Peres said. “I believe the most qualified person for this is Ariel Sharon.

“He will restart the peace process right after the election. I decided to join him and work with him. My party activities have concluded,” he added.

“…I am convinced that he is determined to continue the peace process. I was informed that he is open to creative ideas to attain peace and security. I have decided to support him in the elections and to cooperate with him in attaining these goals.”

“This is a difficult day for me in which I ask myself: What is the central issue standing before the state of Israel in the coming years and at present? I have no doubt that it is the unavoidable combination of peace and diplomatic advances. I ask myself how I can contribute in the coming years, and the answer is by advancing the peace process that will contribute to a thriving economy and social justice.”

“It was not easy but I made the choice and decided.”
[Haaretz]

You’ll note that Peres lauds Sharon for being “open to creative ideas to attain peace and security.” The only creative idea Sharon has had was Gaza disengagement. Now that it’s complete I see no significant new ideas coming from Sharon. The idea of withdrawing from outlying West Bank settlements, which is what Sharon says he’s willing to do does not fall into the “creative” category. From Peres, I see even less creativity.

Peres’ decision was lambasted by former Labor minister Ophir Paz-Pines, who said:

“Fabricated ideological stories of Shimon Peres are embarrassing and fake. There’s no doubt that no one will buy them. The Labor party is committed to peace more than every other party, and Peres’ attempt to excuse his abandonment by talking about peace is pathetic.”

“It’s too bad, because Peres did so much for the State, but he’ll be remembered as someone who abandoned the home which he lead for dozens of years for a party based on personal career interests. No one knows where it [Kadima] came from, and where it is going.”

Haaretz’s latest poll indicates that Peres may (note my reservations below) help Sharon significantly in pulling center-left votes toward Kadima:

Some 30 percent of Israelis said that the departure of former Labor chairman Shimon Peres from the party and his announcement that he was supporting Kadima would increase their chances of voting for the newly formed party headed by Prime Minister Ariel Sharon.

The survey…asked how Peres’ departure from Labor and his decision to join Kadima would influence respondents’ chances for voting for Sharon’s party. The findings are unequivocal: As of now, Peres is of prime value to Sharon.

I’m no pollster but that term “increase their chances” is vague enough to mean almost anything. I’d rather see them ask would Peres’ switch actually bring them to vote for Kadima. That’s a more solid, quantifiable question. So while the poll is a valid indicator of a positive effect for Sharon, I’m not sure it means all that Haaretz claims.

The poll also claims that 35% of those who voted Likud in the 2003 election and the same percentage of those who voted Labor “said that the Peres factor would increase their chances of voting for Kadima.” Again, note my objection above.

47% of respondents felt that Sharon was “most suited” to be prime minister while only 18% saw Peretz as most suited. Several things should be noted here. First, Israelis don’t vote for prime minister. They vote for parties. So a real test of a voter’s opinion would be to find out which party he supported. It’s less important to know which person he feels would make the best prime minister (though this is not an insignificant issue either). Second, as Sharon has been prime minister for some time and Peretz has been Labor leader for a very short time, I would expect such a gap between them. The key question will be whether Sharon can retain the voters approval in the face of a hard-fought Labor/Peretz campaign. Peretz is known for being a charismatic speaker and forceful personality, something Labor has been without for many years (most of them when led by Shimon Peres).

To all this should be added a Ynet poll which indicates that Kadima would win 34 seats if the election were held yesterday while Labor would win 27. Each party is up by one seat over last week’s poll. So if I were Peretz I wouldn’t despair and if I were Sharon I wouldn’t celebrate. There’s a lot of campaigning to be done between now and March 28th.

Yossi Sarid quits politics

It’s sad to note that one of Israel’s most prominent progressive politicians, Yossi Sarid, has decided to leave the Knesset and politics altogether. He was a former Labor MK and currently serves in the Meretz faction. I had great admiration for his courage and forthrightness in confronting the evils of the occupation.

Sarid appears to feel like someone with little influence in the current political situation:

“Had I known I was to become Education Minister in the next government, I would have had a reason to stay because of my commitment to education,” Sarid said. “Had I known I was to become Justice Minister in the next government to clean the filthy stables, I would have stayed,” he added.

“But being a realist, I know my chances are slim to none, and I have no need to break Guinness World Records like Shimon Peres. I am sick and tired of those who seize the horns of the altar,” Sarid concluded.

Note the zinger he gets in against Peres. He also gets in another dig against Sharon and a heap of praise for Peretz:

The former party leader lauded newly-elected Labor Chairman Amir Peretz, and said that “he already won his first victory by succeeding to shake the entire political system. People have started talking about humanistic values, instead of focusing only on the security situation and the Palestinians.”

“Sharon is an illusion, given the acts he has performed in the occupied territories and Jerusalem, and against the Bedouins and other minorities,” she said.
[Ynet]

Likud in Free-Fall

Perhaps the biggest news is that Likud is rapidly fading into political oblivion (though reports of its demise would be premature at this point). Last week’s Dahaf poll showed them gaining 13 seats if the election had been held then. This week’s poll indicates they’d win 10 seats and fare even more poorly than Shas (the third largest party in today’s Knesset). The party is in deep trauma from which no amount of strategizing seems able to lift it.

As an example, party bigwigs met yesterday to discuss their election plans and their best effort produced this campaign slogan: ““Vote Sharon – get Peres.” I can’t begin to count the ways that this is a lame choice. First, it indicates that you don’t have your own program. You’re only against the other guy. It might work in some situations. But it won’t work in this one because Israelis realize this is a critical election in which their future is at stake regarding issues of war and peace with the Palestinians. They simply won’t settle for someone asking for a vote because he’s not the other guy.

Peres Expected to Abandon Labor

Wednesday, November 30th, 2005
Shimon PeresPosing with FC Barcelona soccer shirt before game against Israeli team: traitor to his Party, traitor to his team? (credit: AP)

Shimon Peres has done just about everything he can to telegraph he’s leaving the Israeli Labor Party for Ariel Sharon’s new Kadima except making the actual announcement. First, there were the hours of meetings with Sharon shortly after his defeat in the Labor leadership primary. In the past day or so, Peres’ chief Labor ally, Dahlia Itzik bolted Labor for Kadima. Then, Peres’ brother, Gigi, made repulsive racist comments on Israeli radio about Amir Peretz’s North African ethnicity:

“Peretz and his people are a foreign body in the Labor Party, like General Franco in Spain,” Gershon (Gigi) Peres told Army Radio in an interview.

“They were the Falangists who came from southern Spain,” Peres continued, who came to infiltrate as a fifth column into Madrid, and destroyed the magnificent republic.”

Referring to Peretz’ former Knesset faction, Gigi Peres said “This game is entirely clear – the One Nation people came from North Africa, took over, and shot them in the back.”

Whether or not Shimon Peres approved his brother’s comments matters very little. The fact that someone so close to him mounted such an offensive attack on Peretz certainly indicates that the Peres family (including the political scion) is not terribly happy with the Party’s new leader.

Then Peres made this statement of praise for Sharon:

“The real change is not in the Labor Party. The real change is in the Likud Party [i.e. in Sharon leaving Likud],” Peres said Tuesday in Barcelona. “Mr. Sharon took a different direction for a Palestinian state. He wants to continue the peace process.”

We won’t have long to wait for the other shoe to drop and for Peres to hightail it out of Labor.

According to Haaretz, rumors have it Peres will not run as an MK candidate on the Kadima list. Rather, he will become a super ambassador for the peace process:

Sharon may offer Peres a future position as effective “special ambassador for peace affairs” in future negotiations with Arabs. Were Sharon to win re-election, such an appointment would place Peres at the center of all regional and international contacts toward diplomatic progress toward peace with the Palestinians, the report said. Sharon’s senior adviser Uri Shani is said to have made the offer to Peres in a meeting at the end of last week.

Of course, this begs the question–why would Sharon need a foreign minister if he’s ceding control of the most important real estate in the portfolio to Peres, who wouldn’t even be elected?

Peres’ abandonment of his life-long political home means one thing to me: those who voted him out as Labor leader were absolutely right in doing so. If he could turn his back on his party so easily, it can only mean that the Party and its principles were not intrinsic for him, but only a means to an end, which was wielding power for power’s sake. Peres risks becoming a political fossil (many would say he’s long been one) who is increasingly irrelevant to Israeli politics.

Ephraim Sneh, a current Labor MK who did not support Peretz in the leadership fight had this to say to Peres:

“This party of Sharon’s cannot be a ‘home’ for a person who has the ideology of peace and of the Labor Party,” Sneh said.

“Sharon is moving with cleverness, witth cunning, to set out a map in the West Bank, in Judea and Samaria, that is a recipe for the continuation of the conflict.

Referring to Peres, Sneh concluded, “A man who has worked so hard for the sake of peace, and received a Nobel Prize for it, will not lend his fand to a plan that is a hoax.”

“I very much hope he has not changed his world view.”

His remarks already sound prescient.

Dahlia Itzik, not out of the Labor Party more than a few hours has already slung some traditional Israeli red-baiting slurs Peretz’s way:

“As I look at those joining the Labor Party, it’s entirely clear that the party has adopted a diplomatic policy platform that is more Meretz than Meretz – it is Rakah [the former Israeli Communist Party] – even left of Rakah.”


She should be seen as a stalking horse for Peres. But what she’s doing does not do Peres a favor. It merely drags him down into the gutter with her.

Sharon to Likud: I’m Outa Here!

Monday, November 21st, 2005

The Big Man has done it. He’s quit the Likud. It just won’t be the same without him. Now the Party can become the right-fringe, loony tunes outfit it always had the potential to be. But what can we expect from Sharon? Will he run to the center? Or will he run a campaign that mouths centrist positions but really tilts right after the next election? So far, they’re talking the good talk:

Sharon meets with katsavAriel Sharon meets with President Katsav seeking to dissolve Knesset (source: Ynetnews)

The prime minister’s decision to leave the party testifies to a significant about-face in his ideology, which is likely to include favoring the evacuation of most or all isolated settlements in the West Bank, Sharon’s aides said.

Sources close to Sharon said Sunday night that the new party would be a “true centrist party, from every perspective: political, economic and social.”

Sharon’s new party would likely attempt to form a coalition with Labor, Shinui, and even Meretz-Yahad, in addition to gaining parliamentary support from Arab factions in the next Knesset.

Shinui, definitely. Labor, probably not under Peretz’s leadership. Meretz, you’ve got to be joking. The operative word above is “attempt.” I can attempt to talk to the animals–doesn’t mean it’s gonna happen. But tactical voting support within the Knesset for issues dear to the heart of progressives might be possible, say, for West Bank settlement withdrawal. Though I have no idea what “evacuation of most or all isolated settlements” means. I’d sure rather not have the word “isolated” interpolated in that passage. It makes the statement a whole lot less substantive, though any withdrawal is a start.

Elections appear to be headed for early March. March 8th is the date mentioned in this Haaretz article. Here’s the list of who Sharon’s taking with him:

Sharon’s new party is expected to attract 12 to 14 Likud MKs. Among those planning to join the premier are Finance Minister Ehud Olmert, Justice Minister Tzipi Livni, and Ministers Avraham Hirschon, Meir Sheetrit and Gideon Ezra, Israel Radio reported early Monday morning. MKs Roni Bar-On, Eli Aflalo, Ruhama Avraham, Inbal Gavrieli and Majali Wahabi were also reported to be planning to support Sharon.

A truly tantalizing question is whether Sharon will draw anyone from Labor into the fold, especially Shimon Peres:

Vice Premier Shimon Peres, who engaged Sunday in long talks with Sharon regarding future cooperation, will not leave the Labor Party to join Sharon’s new party, Peres’ aides said Monday.

Two interesting points about that passage:

1. that Peres engaged in “long talks” with Sharon about “future cooperation” can mean many things…but one thing’s for sure–if Peres were truly content staying with Peretz in Labor those would not have been “long talks.”

2. the passage implies (though this is a bit of a jump) that Peres plans to remain in politics and not retire as some have urged him to do (including his family); it also could indicate (and I realize this contradicts what I wrote just above) a decent chance that Peres will remain within Labor to support Peretz which would (if Peres was a real supporter and not just a mouther of supportive words) boost Labor’s chances in the election.

For a downbeat assessment of the new party’s staying power read this Haaretz article.

Amir PeretzAmir Peretz lambastes Sharon government at Labor party conclave and takes it out of ruling coalition

Interesting developments within the Labor Party as well. Peretz delivered a stem-winding speech excoriating Sharon for the deepening divide between rich and poor (one of the widest gaps among developed nations). And Peretz expounded a new theme that may resonate with average Israelis not imbued with settler ideological fervor:

Peretz blamed Sharon for transferring millions in funds to the former Gaza Strip settlements of Gush Katif, which he alleged the prime minister knew were not a permanent enterprise, rather than funding education in development towns and building advanced factories inside Israel.

He called on voters from Sharon’s Likud from the lower classes to switch to Labor. “Come join the new social pact,” he said, “You are not abandoning Likud – Likud has abandoned you.”

I think some American campaign consultant wrote that last line for him because I remember reading it coming from a Republican’s mouth (maybe Ken Mehlman) during the last election. I think it will resonate even more in Israel because there is a sense that Likud took advantage of Labor’s indifference toward Mizrahi voters and drew them to the conservative party; but that now it’s Likud–especially due to Netanyahu’s draconian economic austerity policies–which has allowed the Mizrahi to drift away.

Sharon, Peretz in High-Wire Act

Thursday, November 17th, 2005

Ariel Sharon and Amir Peretz have finally met and agreed to new elections in late February or early March. Ynet says that Sharon supports a Feburary 28th date, but none has been set yet.

amir peretzPeretz on a high wire? (credit: Rita Castelnuovo/NY Times)

Both men are performing side-by-side high-wire acts. There may be nets to break their fall but they’re awfully far below them and the nets themselves are frayed. If they succeed in crossing to the other side without a stumble then one of them will win the golden prize, the prime ministership. If they fall, they could bring their own careers and their parties down as well.

Sharon’s high-wire act involves his decision on whether to bolt Likud and establish a new centrist party. Ynet carries an interesting article stating that Sharon is likely to leave Likud (which contradicts the NY Times‘ own story and much of the scuttlebutt I’ve been reading from Israeli political observers). Ynet claims as sources for the information close aides to Sharon. The big benefit for Sharon in leaving is the vast increase in political manuvering room he will gain in terms of addressing the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and internal Israeli politics. The big unknown is how well Sharon would do outside of Likud in the next election.

The Sharon aides quoted in the article say that Sharon has a guarantee of 10-15 Likud MKs who will walk with him (if he does). That would bring Likud from its current 40 seats to 25-30 seats and it would fragment the Israeli political scene by creating a third major party.

Peretz’s circus act is equally daunting. He must whip up a virtually moribund Party and almost single-handedly give it political vitality. He must both articulate a new path for Labor, which under Peres’ leadership foundered on the principle of going-along to get-along with Ariel Sharon, and avoid the pitfalls of over-ideologizing his political platform. If he falls into this trap then his political opponents will make mincemeat out of him as ‘Red Amir,’ ‘Amir the Bolshevik,’ etc. He needs to project a strong, sure hand while exuding warmth and humor. Given Peretz’s left-wing orientation (a rarity these days in Israel), it won’t be the easiest thing for him to gain the trust of those who mistrust or hate him: business, the military, Labor’s Old Guard, and the kibbutz movement. And without making inroads into this group he will have a difficult time of it. He must not back down from his political principles and positions, but he must project a sense of moderation and willingness to work together with those (including voters) who don’t see eye to eye with him.

Finally, the wildest card in all this (there are so many wild cards!) is Hamas and the Palestinian militants. If they want to see another four years of Sharon, no progress toward final status negotiations, continued settlement expansion in the West Bank, and continued assassinations and incarceration of their leaders, then they should continue their attempts to terrorize Israel. As we saw with Shimon Peres’ run for Prime Minister in 1996 after Rabin’s assassination, when the militants unleashed a ferocious series of terror bombings against Israel, this played right into Netanyahu’s hands and he won. The same is likely to happen to Peretz, one of whose potential weaknesses is security. But if Hamas really wants final status negotiations, a viable state of their own, a capital in East Jerusalem, and a secure peace with Israel, then they should end all terror from now through the election. Peretz may be a tough negotiator and give the Palestinians as hard a time as Sharon at the peace table (though we don’t really know how Sharon would negotiate because he’s done very little of it with them), they may never find another Israeli leader as forthright as Peretz. But in never missing an opportunity to miss an opportunity, I doubt that Hamas will get the message.

There are oh so many within Sharon and Peretz’ respective Parties who’d like nothing more than to see each of them fall. These are interesting times. One hopes they will not be ‘interesting’ in the sense of this ancient Chinese proverb: “May you be cursed to live in interesting times.”

Can Amir Peretz Bring Labor to Heel?

Wednesday, November 16th, 2005

After reading some of Yossi Beilin’s less than enthusiastic comments about Amir Peretz, I thought my rousing recent posts about his victory in the Labor Party leadership contest might’ve been a tad too much. I thought I’d better write a more cautionary post since not only does Peretz have some political baggage himself as leader of what Beilin views as a thuggish Histadrut, but much of the former top leadership of Labor, including all of the MKs (none of whom supported him), appear to be working to undermine him.

But Mitchell Plitnick of Jewish Voice for Peace has already done my work for me in New Labor Party in Israel. He has written a carefully calibrated article which presents Peretz’s promise as great, but the pitfalls standing in the way achieving that promise as very deep:

It would be foolish to see Peretz’s victory as anything other than a very positive development…But it would be equally foolish to believe that it is going to dramatically alter the course of events in the near term.

Even if Peretz does become Prime Minister next year, he is unlikely to make too many major changes on the ground. He will not pull down the wall, though he may well alter its route even further. He is too aware of the mood of the Israeli public to consider any return of Palestinian refugees into Israel proper and is also unlikely to be too dramatic in terms of dividing Jerusalem. He will not prov[ide] a quick fix to the vexing Israel-Palestine conflict.

But a Peretz victory in March could have better effect down the road…If his social reforms are to have any hope of coming to fruition, the likely place he will reallocate funds from is the settlement enterprise…Peretz may be able to weaken the settler movement significantly.

Plitnick also notes the awkward “fit” between Peretz, the avowed socialist, and those Labor ‘bigwigs’ who’ve essentially turned their backs on Labor’s socialist roots:

Amir Peretz is fairly described as a man whose political ideology is rooted in socialism. His own rhetoric has reflected an idealizing of Labor’s past as a socialist party. This romantic view of the Labor Party is somewhat misguided…Labor has steadily moved away from much of the socialist ideology. Peretz, in fact, brings socialism much more to the forefront of Labor ideology in Israel than perhaps it has ever been, certainly much more so than it has been in many decades.

Peretz will move to rebuild the social safety net in Israel, and will also work to narrow the gap between rich and poor, a gap which is the largest of any Western-style country. Whether he can really impact such a dramatic reversal of direction for the Israeli economy is questionable. There will be considerable resistance from many sectors, not least of which will be within his own party — Labor embraced the neoliberal economic model with a passion in the 1980s and 1990s. But if he can have even some effect in this regard, it would be hopeful, and not only for the Israeli public, as we will see below.

Here is Plitnick’s assessment of Peretz’s chances of making a real breakthrough in solving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict:

Peretz has been emphatic in his opposition to Ariel Sharon’s “unilateral disengagement” program. This is noteworthy, especially because the concept of unilateral separation, like the idea for the West Bank Wall, originated not with Sharon and Likud, but with the Labor Party under Ehud Barak. Peretz has clearly stated that he would wish to sit down with Mahmoud Abbas, without the brokering of the United States or anyone else, and hammer out a final status deal. Of course, this is a nice-sounding statement which will be difficult to bring to fruition for any number of reasons. Still, it is clear that Peretz recognizes the damage Sharon’s unilateral moves have done in undermining the moderate Abbas, and how that makes real progress more difficult. Peretz is a long-time member of Peace Now…His approach to the conflict with the Palestinians is entirely different not only from Ariel Sharon and Benjamin Netanyahu, but also from Shimon Peres, Ehud Barak and Yitzhak Rabin. The BBC quotes Peretz as saying, “I see the occupation as an immoral act, first of all.

Finally, Plitnick portrays the tremendous obstacles in his path from within his own party. Peretz, as noted below, never served as an IDF officer. This makes him immediately suspect in the eyes of those Labor politicians who were senior officers. And I understand that Peretz returns the favor in not finding much to admire in them either. Equally problematic are the senior Labor politicians, including MKs, who never supported his candidacy and are working at the present moment to undermine him:

There is great possibility for real change in Amir Peretz’s election as head of Labor. But that change remains far off and this is only the first, and not the greatest, of challenges that lay ahead for him. Peretz’s sincere socialism and genuine advocacy for the working class will obviously mean that the rich and powerful Israeli elites will spare no expense in opposing him. That is an arena Peretz is familiar with, as he waged just those battles in his decade as head of the Histadrut, the Israeli trade union congress. He will also face great opposition from the military elites, a very serious force in Israel. Peretz, if he should become Prime Minister, would be the first Prime Minister who was never a senior officer in the Israeli military [I think Plitnick is wrong here as I recall that neither Ben Gurion, Levi Eshkol nor Golda Meir served]. This could seriously undermine his credibility with the public when and if he tries to make any serious concessions on the West Bank…

Finally, a major obstacle Peretz will have to overcome will be backlash in the Labor Party. The old guard will struggle to get their position back, even if Shimon Peres, now 82, decides that this should signal his retirement. And, while Peretz’s socialistic and humanistic ideals fit with Labor’s rhetoric, the more well-off Ashkenazi Jews that still form labor’s essential core may not support implementing those ideals.

For further commentary from two prominent members of the Meretz (and former Labor Young Turks), Yossi Sarid writes hopefully and optimistically about Peretz’ ascension to leadership and Yossi Beilin writes a much more critical portrait:

“Personally, there were many years of cooperation between us. Amir Peretz is a person with a lot of positive things. But when we were together in the ‘sextet’ and the ‘octet’ [a group of ambitious, junior Labor leaders] we weren’t exposed to his tyranny. What has happened during these years in the Histadrut is unbelievable with respect to the crudeness and the personal conduct. That combination of the One Nation party and the Histadrut was a truly terrible thing. Before you represent the right positions, you have to be a human being. In the end, that’s the most important thing, and signs of dictatorialness are something that is insufferable.”

…”I think it will be very difficult for Peretz to change the Labor Party. They also pinned great hopes on Amram Mitzna. Mitzna said he wanted to leave the government and that he supported negotiations with the Palestinians on a permanent status agreement. But Mitzna remained alone. The question isn’t only Peretz, but also the party that you support. Just as anyone who votes for [Prime Minister Ariel] Sharon also gets [Likud rebel MK Uzi] Landau, anyone who votes for Labor will get Benjamin Ben-Eliezer. Even though there is a greater similarity now, Meretz is a much more homogenous party and clearer in its positions.”

I guess the jury is out on Peretz. But he is still the freshest breath of air to waft through Israeli politics in ages and I wish him well. To support Amir Peretz’s efforts to rejuvenate the Labor Party, you may make a donation at his website.