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Sarajevo haggadah

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Ben Heine

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ceramic bowl

Mohammad Said Kalash, "Offering Reconciliation" exhibit (photo: Ilan Amihai)

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Punch and Judy/Pinchas and Jamila

Avi Katz

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David Grossman

Ben Heine

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Eldrige Street shul

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Dove

Ben Heine

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Hoda Jamal

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Israeli and Palestinian boys

from documentary, Promises

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Cat in the Hat

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Daylight through the Wall

Banksy: graffiti art on Separation Wall

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Maurice Sendak's Brundibar set

New Victory Theater (photo: Nan Melville/NYT)

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Daniel Barenboim, West-Eastern Divan Orchestra

Palestinian-Israeli musical ensemble (photo: Kerstin Joensson/AP)

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Great Day on Eldrige Street

N.Y.'s klezmer greats celebrate shul rededication (photo: Leo Sorel)

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Joint Appeal for Peace

(Avi Katz)

Joint Appeal for Peace

Ketubah, Ancona, Italy (1772)

(Jewish Theological Seminary library)

Ancona ketubah

Archive for May, 2009

Jerusalem Post Orders ‘Hit’ on Dan Fleshler

Sunday, May 10th, 2009


Dan Fleshler recently published an expose of the Israel lobby, Transforming America’s Israel Lobby.  His book is an argument for the Jewish peace movement to do what Aipac does only better, more truthfully and more fairly.

Instead of reviewing the book, as any professional publication would do, the Jerusalem Post ordered a hit on Fleshler’s book.  They assigned it to Jonathan Schanzer, a former WINEP fellow, PR flack for the Israeli consulate in Atlanta, “counter-terrorism analyst” for the Treasury department (which one of his Jewish neocon connections–Feith, Wurmser, Perle, Wolfowitz–got him that job?), and one of Dan Pipes’ boys at the Middle East Forum.  Schanzer’s current boss is Matt Brooks, the Republican Jewish Coalition’s director. That’s like asking Abe Foxman to review the Mearsheimer-Walt book about the Lobby.

Since Fleshler is highly critical of everything that Schanzer stands for and the organizations he works for and has worked for, any reasonable editor (except the Post’s of course) would understand that this would serve an insurmountable conflict of interest.  Instead, they would assign the book to someone who knows something about the subject but has no specific axe to grind.  But given the Post’s ideological proclivities, taking a hit on Dan’s book seemed the proper thing to do.

But should we expect any less of a faux journalistic enterprise like the Post, one which was recently hoaxed by someone claiming to be a Norwegian army officer.  The hoaxster, who was not an officer, nor even in the army, and who used a fake name throughout the incident, brayed about the threat of Norwegian anti-Semitism.  Turns out that most Norwegian Jews feel about as comfortable as any other European Jew and the Post’s reporter had been royally had.  But did the Post apologize for their shoddy reporting?  Did they fire their reporter or even discipline him?  No.  In fact, if Judy Miller had been writing for the Post instead of the N.Y. Times, she’d have been promoted to managing editor after her journalistic romance with Scooter Libby.

Here are some of the more erudite bits from Schanzer’s review. He calls the book “incoherent,” “mind-numbing,” and “vapid.” I assure you that while Dan and I don’t always quite see eye to eye, it is none of those things.

Schanzer also attempts to palms off pro-Israel fake fact #424 on his readers:

But no matter how much he attacks these groups [the Israel lobby], he will not be able to change the fact that they appeal more to Jewish Americans (and the general American public) than the fringe leftist groups he works with (Americans for Peace Now, Brit Tzedek v’Shalom and Israel Policy Forum).

In fact, every poll of American Jewish attitudes including one by the American Jewish Committee, a card-carrying member of the Lobby, indicates that Fleshler and the Jewish peace groups are far more in synch than Schanzer, Pipes and his other pro-Israel neocon chums, with mainstream American Jewish opinion. The favorability ratings of Aipac and the other Lobby groups are also surprisingly low considering how much they make a point of representing the entire community when it comes to Israel.

Here’s Dan’s response to Schanzer.

Bibi, Transferist

Sunday, May 10th, 2009

Just about everyone knows that Avigdor Lieberman is a transferist, someone who believes in transferring (or expelling) Israeli Arabs from Israel and placing them under Palestinian sovereignty.  But almost no one knows that Bibi Netanyahu is one as well.  To be more concise, Bibi was a transferist as of the time of the following anecdote.  But what he believes now is anyone’s guess:

One night at a dinner party in Jerusalem in 1977, I heard a young Israeli talking about the Arabs in terms which chilled my blood. “In the next war,” he said, “we’ve got to get the Palestinians out of the West Bank for good.”

…By a curious quirk, that young Israeli whom I heard enthuse about emptying the West Bank of Arabs was Binyamin Netanyahu, today his country’s prime minister.

Ah, I hear my right-wing readers say: “But this was 1977, a lot can change in a few decades.”  Yes, a direct, sincere young right-wing zealot can become a wily, duplicitous politician who knows how to cloak his views well.  Certainly, Bibi understands that he could not become prime minister if he explicitly endorsed transfer as stated government policy.  So instead, he focuses on tactical matters like improving the economic lives of Palestinians, as if this–even if he was sincere in implementing it (which he clearly is not)–would resolve the conflict.  Such tactical manuvering enables him to hold off the day of reckoning as long as possible when Israel will be forced to fish or cut bait with the Palestinians. So transferist?  Maybe.  Obstructionist?  Definitely.

Bibi is but the latest in a long line of Israeli prime minister’s whose primary goal in office seems to be dither in the face of insurmountable evidence that this takes Israel ever farther away from its stated goal, which is a long-term peace with its neighbors.  In fact, such premeditated obstructionism, always concealed by a veneer of reasonableness, elevates an obsession with tactics into a strategy in and of itself.

I hope the Obama administration will keep this piece of Bibi’s personal history in the back of their minds as they prepare to meet him for his first White House visit with our new president.  It should reinforce the fact that Bibi is a leopard who has essentially never changed his spots from 1977 till now.

H/t to Assaf Oron.

Uzi Arad: Israeli Spy Treif Under Bush, Now Kosher Under Obama

Saturday, May 9th, 2009

Uzi Arad is Bibi Netanyahu’s national security advisor.  He is also an Israeli spy.  He officially worked for the Mossad for 23 years achieving senior status.  But his real claim to fame as far as Israel-U.S. relations is his intimate involvement, along with Naor Gilon, in the Rosen-Weissman spy scandal:

U.S. officials believe Franklin met with Arad during his frequent trips to Israel.

In the original indictment which was later annulled, Franklin is said to have met with Arad in the cafeteria of the Pentagon in February 2004. Franklin is also believed to have met with an Israeli diplomat serving in the Washington embassy who suggested that he meet with Arad.

During Arad’s last visit to the United States, FBI agents sought to question him. Arad, who was on his way to the airport to catch a return flight to Israel, suggested the investigators accompany him on the flight and question him on board the airplane. The agents agreed and conducted the questioning in flight.

As a result, Arad’s U.S. visa was revoked and the Bush administration refused to allow him entry since 2007.  That was before Bibi promoted him, before Barack Obama became president, and before the administration dropped the Aipac Two spy case.  Even though visa decisions are not subject to legal challenge or standards, I’m guessing Obama figured that with no case against Rosen and Weissman, it’s decision to label Arad persona non grata was moot.

Haaretz reports that Arad’s visa has been restored and that he plans to meet with his U.S. counterpart, James Jones, in Washington to lay the groundwork for Bibi’s first meeting as prime minister with Obama in June.

What is curious is that no one has written about the restoration of Arad’s visa.  Interestingly, Haaretz and Eli Lake wrote about this subject when Arad was first appointed to his post and noted how problematic his lack of ability to travel to the U.S. would be.  But not a word since.

I’m guessing that the Obama folks told the Israelis that they wanted total silence on this subject.  But that doesn’t bind me thank God.  And I think it stinks.

If Jones had to meet with Arad, he could’ve met him in any number of foreign capitals to plan the Bibi-Obama meeting.  I see no good reason why the U.S. should’ve given Arad, Bibi and the Israelis such a present.  And in fact, what message does it send?  That if you’re a Mossad agent and succeed in stealing secrets from our government you’ll face some slight inconveniences for a time, but that all will be forgiven; and in fact you’re likely to be promoted by your Israeli comrades and you’ll be back meeting the creme de la creme of the U.S. intelligence and political elite in no time.

And this is the type of bellicose message you’ll be conveying:

As for what Israel should do about Iran, Arad argued for “maximum deterrence” during a 2006 panel discussion in Tel Aviv, according to a dispatch from UPI’s Joshua Brilliant.

Israel should threaten to strike “everything and anything of value,” Arad said, including its leadership and “holiest sites.” “Everything together? Yes, Arad recommended,” according to UPI.

Israel’s national security advisor, besides being a spook, is a Holy Warrior arguing for a new Middle East Aramgeddon.  This is the guy who’s going to be meeting with James Jones and preparing for Bibi’s first meeting with the U.S. president.

The only way I can explain this decision, which by the way can only be made by the attorney general or president himself, is that Obama has told himself that the only thing that matters is the big stuff: bringing peace between Israel and the front-line Arab states.  He may figure that he can sweat the small stuff and give the Israelis a bone or two here or there like Rosen or Arad, as long as he captures the olive branch at the right moment.

But that requires absolute confidence, clear vision, and end game strategy on Obama’s part for getting to peace. It requires the support of the American people and it requires an Israeli government who will either agree or acquiesce when the proper time comes.  How can he be sure that all these stars will align for him?

If he fails then he not only will he not have brought peace, which will likely plunge the region into even deeper bouts of bloodshed, he will have emboldened the spooks like Rosen, Arad and Gilon to continue their dirty work at the American people’s expense.

‘Captain’ Rosen’s J’Accuse!

Friday, May 8th, 2009

I don’t know whether to laugh or cry over this one.  But the sheer volume of self-justifying bullshit in Steve Rosen’s interview with the Jerusalem Post is mind-boggling:

Rosen compared himself to Alfred Dreyfus, who was unjustly tried for treason by France.

“Poor Dreyfus – he had no defense, he had no ability to fight. It was a secret trial. Our judge didn’t agree to a secret trial. They tried, they tried to make it a Dreyfus trial, but he said, ‘No. I’m not having a secret trial, we’re going to have an open trial,’”

What poor Steve forgets is that the greatest cultural figures of his day came to Dreyfus’ defense including Emile Zola, who penned the remarkable J’Accuse. They researched the case, forced the government to retry Dreyfus and vindicated him through the legal process. Who came to Steve’s defense? Who or what legal process proved his innocence? Malcolm Hoenlein? Abbe Lowell?

…”I was a person, you see, who worked with government officials every day for 23 years. That week, every week, I would meet with people in the State Department, the National Security Council, the Defense Department, other agencies in the government. They were my friends, they knew very well that I spoke to the embassy of Israel. It wasn’t a surprise to them; they also spoke to the embassy,” he said.

“But these people we’re talking about viewed it as if we were a nest of spies, as if we were doing something against America,” Rosen continued.

Gee, I have no idea why they might think that. Do you? What Steve leaves out is that he wasn’t only meeting with Israeli diplomats (who, by the way have been known also to serve the Mossad), he met with Israeli intelligence as well. That’s something that most government officials don’t have the pleasure of doing.

The following especially tickles me since I, for one, have no doubt that Rosen escaped by the skin of his teeth. If there HAD been a trial, the whole seamy, sordid mess would’ve been exposed to the light of day. The fact that the judge allowed the defense to make a circus by calling every government official and their brother to testify, unfortunately put the kibosh to the prosecution. So the fact that he claims he welcomed a trial is sheer bravado:

While he expressed relief that the saga was over, Rosen noted that “we didn’t really have a trial, and in some ways it’s too bad we didn’t, because all the facts would’ve come out, and what it would’ve shown is that I did nothing wrong. Those that did something wrong were the people that brought this case; not just that they were incorrect, but that the attitude they had about Jews, Israel, AIPAC was completely false.”

Unfortunately, he said, “a lot of that nonsense is still out there. You can go on the Internet and see hundreds of stories. They talk about spies, and they see the Mossad under every desk.”

Rosen is nothing but a cheap spy.  And the hallmark of such an Israeli agent of influence is to play the anti-Semitism card:

Rosen also expressed his belief that then-president George W. Bush was not at all responsible for the case, but that it was “a faction in the bureaucracy who had this belief.”

“They have materials against other people at AIPAC,” he continued. “They have material about people at other Jewish organizations. These guys are still there in the bureaucracy. They still believe that Jews are more loyal to

Israel than to America. They still believe that there are Jewish spies under every bed. And they may find another opportunity to bring another case against someone, and that’s the problem.”

You can be damn sure that the FBI has material about other enablers of Israel at Aipac and other Israel lobby groups just as Rosen says.  Who better to know who his fellow collaborators are?  Rosen also confirms what I wrote yesterday: that there are Rosens to come.  For every one the feds catch there are 10 or 20 out there doing their best on behalf of their good friends within Israel’s intelligence apparatus.

I for one have no doubt that Steve Rosen’s loyalties are primarily to Israel.  Though of course he sees no separation between Israel’s and America’s interests, which is how he can justify his conduct to himself and the world.  Just to take but one example, Rosen would claim, as Aipac does, that Israel’s interest in destroying Iran’s nuclear capability and overthrowing the Iranian government is precisely the same as U.S. interest.  But Americans don’t yet buy that, though they will if Israel’s perception management campaign here ginning up an Iran war succeeds.

Study Finds Israelis Question Zionist National Narrative

Friday, May 8th, 2009

A new study by Israeli academics from Tel Aviv University and Columbia University’s Teacher’s College finds that Israelis in ever greater numbers are questioning their own modern national creation narrative.  For example, it has always been a cherished notion that Israel was created in 1948 with no Jewish violence or force that drove Arab inhabitants from their homes.  It has been a sacrosanct notion that the Arabs fled of their own volition largely because they were exhorted to do so via radio and other media reports.

In the past few decades, the New Historians have begun chipping away at such cherished notions.  Today, 47% of Israeli Jews believe that expulsion was either a major, or primary cause of the flight of nearly 700,000 former Arab residents.  41% continue to believe the old notion that Israeli Palestinians left voluntarily.

46% believe both sides are equally responsible for continuation of the conflict, while 43% primarily blame the Palestinians.

In some areas, Israelis continue to believe a questionable narrative spun for partisan political purposes by various Israeli leaders.  56% blame Yasser Arafat for walking away from Israel’s “very generous” offer at Camp David, while only 25% blame both sides equally for the failure of the talks.  Books by Clayton Swisher and Aaron David Miller decisively debunk the former notion.

60% of Israelis believe that the 1947 UN partition plan offered Arabs a greater share of land than Jews.  In fact, the plan offered Palestinians only 44% of the land while they were 2/3 of the population at the time.

58% believe that Israel participated in the 1956 Suez war because it had little or no alternative to stop Arab attacks against it, while only 19% believe the correct answer, that Israel entered the war either partly or entirely to gain Egyptian territory.

38% believe the false notion that there were no Arab peace initiatives prior to the 1973 war, or that any peace initiative was rejected by the Arabs.

47% believe Israel’s goal in the 1982 Lebanon war was solely or in large part to repel terror attacks, while 40% believe correctly that Sharon’s sole or primary goal was to create a new regional order.

47% believe that Palestinian terror is solely or primarily motivated by the inherently violent nature of the Arabs, while only 9% believe it is solely or largely due to Israel’s actions (i.e. the Occupation)

41% believe the first Intifada was fueled solely or primarily by innate hatred of Israel.  Only 13% believe it was motivated solely or primarily by opposition to the Occupation.

51% blame the Palestinians primarily or solely for the failure of the Oslo accords.  Only 28% believe both sides are equally responsible.

Only 8% believe that Egypt fully implemented the Sinai peace agreement with Israel.

62% believe Israel’s level of “purity of arms” during the entire conflict has been “high” or “very high.”

Despite this retention of old myths in the collective national memory, the survey’s lead researcher is encouraged:

“Typically, societies involved in intractable conflicts like the Israeli-Arab/Palestinian conflict adopt a collective memory of the conflict that is biased to a large degree and self-serving, as is part of the Zionist narrative,” says Nets-Zehngut. “If such study had been conducted between the 1950s and the 1970s, surely a much higher percentage of Israeli Jews would have held the Zionist narrative. The fact that we found this memory of the conflict to be somewhat critical (even though the conflict is still going on) is encouraging. It suggests that the Israeli-Jewish society has changed to become more critical, open and self-reflective, allowing it to adopt less biased narratives.”

The report’s co-author took a less sanguine approach to the data:

However, Daniel Bar-Tal believes that the Israeli-Jewish society still has a significant way to go in changing its collective memory to become less biased and self serving. Many Israeli Jews still believe a Zionist narrative of many issues in the history of the conflict – a simplistic memory of the conflict which portrays Israel in a positive light and the Arabs/Palestinians in a negative one. “Holding such a Zionist narrative serves as an obstacle to peace since it promotes negative emotions, mistrust, de-legitimization and negative stereotypes of Arabs and Palestinians,” Bar-Tal said.

The elderly and religious Jews were found to be constrained most by traditional Zionist myths. These same individuals tended to be most suspicious of Arab motives and least willing to believe peaceful resolution of the conflict was possible. Those who were particularly sensitive to issues of anti-Semitism and the Holocaust also tended to be the strongest supporters of the Zionist narrative. Such persecution has played a determinative role in Israel’s conduct during the conflict and has, in fact, helped fuel it.

H/t Sol Salbe and John Dickerson.

Uzi Arad, Naor Gilon Coming Soon to a U.S. Theater Near You?

Thursday, May 7th, 2009

Those of you up on the minutiae of the Rosen-Weissman Aipac Two spy case will recall that two Israeli officials most implicated were Uzi Arad and Naor Gilon. As a result of catching Rosen in flagrante Arad, who served several decades in the Mossad, was named persona non grata and his visa revoked. Which is a tad problematic for him as Bibi Netanyahu named him his national security advisor. It’s quite inconvenient for such an individual not to be allowed to visit the country which is Israel’s chief sponsor.

In addition, Naor Gilon, the Israeli operative with whom Rosen, Weissman and Franklin were caught having lunch, retreated to the Israeli embassy where he was forced to bivouac for a few months till it was convenient for Israel to spirit him out of the country. Needless to say, except for one brief visit, Naor hasn’t been welcome back either.

Fortunately for this individual, who a number of knowledgeable analysts suggest was the D.C. embassy’s Mossad station chief, life has been kind. Danny Ayalon, named by Avigdor Lieberman to be the deputy foreign minister, appointed Gilon to be his chief of staff. Apparently, Israeli spies caught red-handed by the FBI receive handsome rewards in the Israeli political system.

I raise this matter because it will interesting to watch how the Obama administration reacts to the Israeli request that visas for the two “diplomats” be restored. Surely, the Israelis have been lobbying American officials hard. And surely they have solicited help from their “best friends” (of whom there are quite a few) within the administration.

Keep an eye on the headlines. If and when you see the visas restored you will then know that another Israeli espionage caper has been papered over successfully. No damage done to any Israeli (davke l’hefech, as they say in Hebrew). The only damage done to U.S. intelligence interests.

Jewish State-Sponsored Pogroms

Thursday, May 7th, 2009

UPDATE: I am seeking to confirm the number of deaths reported by David Shulman in the report below. While I have found stories confirming the violence, I have found no story yet confirming actual Palestinian deaths.

Later Update: David Shulman has written me with further confirmation of the accuracy of this story, though we are going even farther to try to confirm it:

Four killed is the number the villagers have cited, and I heard from my colleague Amiel Vardi, an unimpeachable, careful source.

In light of this near air-tight confirmation, we must start to ask why Israeli and other journalists are doing nothing to confirm and report it themselves. We’ve got to start screaming from the rooftops getting people to listen.

Latest Update: I’m going to take a flyer and guess what may be going on here.  The fact that IDF and Border Police went on a rampage together with settlers is a big problem for Israel.  The fact that there may be dead Palestinians further complicates things.  I think the fact that there has been no Israeli coverage about the murders may likely to due to military censorship which often constrains such coverage.  Now, I don’t know this is the case.  But I have a hunch.  We’ll see.

♦  ♦

The Jewish state, founded amid the pools of tears of the Holocaust, has finally come to this: it has endorsed state-sponsored pogroms against the Palestinian inhabitants of Khirbet Safa, the village where an Arab terrorist lived who killed a young settler boy a few weeks ago.

It is usual in these circumstance for settlers to attempt to take revenge through attacks on villages from which the terrorists came. But this case is entirely different. Not only are settlers attacking Khirbet Safa. The IDF and Border Police are as well. Four innocent Palestinian civilians armed with no more than rocks have been killed in recent days.

Where is the Israeli government? Where is the defense minister, Labor’s liberal darling, Ehud Barak? This is criminal behavior not just on the settlers part but on the part of agents of the state. And what are American Jewish organizations waiting for? Even if you don’t mind an Arab being murdered once in a while, are you prepared for the public relations disaster for Israel that will ensue once these pogroms reach the pages of your local family newspaper?

Keep in mind, these murderous settlers are religious Jews. This is their Judaism. A religion of blood, hatred and violence. I am a Jew. This is not my religion. It is not my God. Mine is a God of, if not love, at least tolerance. My God does not hate an entire Palestinian village for the act of a single inhabitant. The rampaging pogromists of Bat Ayin are Jewish whores. They have prostituted my religion and it disgusts me.

This is, to quote the Hebrew phrase, a busha v’herpah. A friggin’ shame.

David Shulman, author of the powerful testimony of personal resistance to the Occupation, Dark Hope, has written this heart-breaking account of one such pogrom. Read it an weep. Read it and act:

Pogroms: it’s something the Jews know about. I grew up on those stories—Cossack raids on the shtetl, the torture and killings and wanton destruction. My grandmother had a brother. They lived in Mikhalayev, in the Ukraine. One day the Cossacks came, and everyone panicked, and the seventeen-year-old brother tried to hide in a pond, and he drowned. She mourned that young death all her life; the dead don’t age, and some wounds never heal.

And now it turns out—who would believe it?—that there are Jews who also know how to carry out pogroms. For the last ten days or so, settlers from Bat ‘Ayin in the so-called Etzion Bloc have been paying violent daily visits to their Palestinian neighbors in Khirbet Safa, perched high on the edge of the western ridge that overlooks the coastal plain all the way to the sea. A terrorist from Khirbet Safa entered Bat ‘Ayin two weeks ago, murdered a settler boy with an axe, and wounded another. The police caught him soon thereafter. But that hasn’t stopped the Bat ‘Ayin settlers from repeated rampages to wreak revenge on Khirbet Safa. They’ve already killed four innocents, and another eleven or twelve have been wounded by gunfire. As if that weren’t bad enough, the soldiers have apparently been making common cause with these settlers, opening fire readily at the villagers. Life in this most beautiful of the mountain villages has become a nightmare; not that it was easy before.

We get the emergency call around 5:00 after a long day that started off in Susya, in South Hebron. At first it looked as though we’d never get through the barriers and the roadblocks; like last week, we had police and army on our tail from the moment we left Jerusalem. Two full buses and several private cars headed south by the long route twisting over the dry hills. A grey, sultry day, summer approaching: in the endless battle in the wadis and terraces between green and brown, green seems to be losing ground…By midday we had rendezvoused at Susya with a van of Palestinian activists from all over the West Bank. All in all, some 150 Combatants for Peace—former Israeli soldiers and Palestinian members of the armed resistance organizations who have given up all forms of violence—had come to meet each other and to see the reality of South Hebron.

This is what it will look like one day, I was thinking. Like in Berlin when the Wall fell. Maybe I won’t live to see it, but I know it will be like this. People, ordinary people from both sides, pour out of the vehicles more or less into one another’s arms. The soldiers in their jeeps with their guns and other deadly toys are helpless to hold back this flood of dangerous fraternization. Some of them look to me like they’d like to join us. It all happens fast and very naturally, without thinking. Walking over the rocks and thistles toward the tents of Susya, I hear snippets of conversation like many I’ve heard before. Awkward, tentative, eager. Strangers introduce themselves: “I’m ‘Abed. I live in the refugee camp at Dahariyya.” “We’re from Bethlehem.” “I’m from Tel Aviv, I’m a student. I served in the fucking army for three and a half years.” (This with a somewhat sheepish smile). A young Palestinian man to a dark-haired Israeli woman: “Would you come visit me in my home someday?” “I don’t know. Maybe. I’m afraid.” A short silence. “Yes, I’ll be happy to come.” I, too, embrace my friends: Hafez, Isa, Nasir, ‘Id, the gentle, irrationally hopeful, anxious ‘Id.

We stand among the black tents facing the Israeli settlement of Susya with its red-tile roofs and the new “illegal outpost” that settlers have put up on the next hill, just a couple of hundred meters off. In the distance, at Shuneran, you can see the lonely white whirl of the new turbine our people have recently set up for our Palestinian friends. Wind-driven, it’s already generating enough power to run a refrigerator and a newfangled butter-and-cheese churn: the milk goes into the drum of an old washing machine that shakes it wildly up and down, and in practically no time there is the unlikely miracle of butter. Just two weeks ago I watched Bedouin women doing it the old way, in a goat-skin hung over a fire and rocked back and forth for long hours. This turbine at Shuneran is like a gift from the gods.

Ofra, wiry, battle-worn, lucid, is speaking to the crowd as Yusri translates into Arabic: “The occupation has an interest in preventing us from meeting one another, and an even greater interest in preventing us from struggling together. But we will never allow them to separate us. This is our responsibility and our answer to apartheid. We had to get past the barriers and roadblocks to come here today, and we also had to break through the metaphorical walls that have divided us.” I wonder how Yusri is going to manage this last sentence. He lives in a world of very real walls and barriers. But no, he’s got it, no problem: “hawajiz majaziyeh–that is,” he explains, “the walls that have been erected in our minds.”

…There’s been a decision: no confrontations today. You can’t expose the first-timers to the whole terror and rigor of the occupation. And yet that hill is so enticing. There’s a new settler caravan in place, too. All we have to do is to start walking…..

And then, surprisingly, a new decision crystallizes. We will “take” that hill after all. We’ll follow Nasir up to the ancient well that belongs to the Hadari-Hareini families but that is now off limits to them; the settlers won’t let them near it. South Hebron is a hot, dry land, and a well means the difference between life and death. We head out over the rocky terraces. Movement, at last, and action: the relief is sweet and viscous as a heady liquor. My lungs take in the sharp smell of wild sage, thyme, and the aromatic herb the Palestinians call Amaslimaniya, said to heal infections and stomach pains. I wonder if it heals heart-ache, too. The very fragrance seems to be healing mine.

This was today’s second surpassing moment— all 150 of us fanning out over that hill, advancing toward the settlers’ caravan. We reach the well, and Nasir finds the black leather bucket and lowers it deep into the bowels of the earth and draws up fresh spring water, the sweetest water in the world; he pours it into our bottles and canteens and straight into our mouths, he is smiling as if entranced, drunk on the water of his own well, soaked to the skin, and for that brief unforgettable minute or two the world seems almost right again. And then, of course, the soldiers swoop down on us, with some lunatic settler barking orders at them, and the officer flashes the inevitable piece of paper that declares we are in a Closed Military Zone and we have two minutes to get out before they start hitting us with their clubs and rifle butts and making arrests. The rightful owner of the precious well is driven off, again. The thief who has stolen the well stands beside it together with a small army of soldiers, with their perfectly legal slip of paper, to make sure he gets to keep it.

We have promised the Combatants that we won’t get into any kind of tussle, so slowly—but still almost triumphant—we begin to withdraw. Take it as an object lesson, I say to Amit, a new friend from Tel Aviv. This is how it works. Amit, a doctoral student in philosophy, specialist in Husserl, is incredulous, not for the last time today. Don’t worry, I say; we will yet turn the tide. As we walk, Joseph, by now a stalwart of South Hebron weekends, tells us about the organization called Nefesh be-nefesh, “Soul for Soul”, run by two rabbis in Miami and supported by the Christian Zionist right; they paid him $4000 to come to live in Israel, and they promised him another $4000 if he’d make his home in one of the settlements in the territories.”I wonder,” he says, “if Palestinian Susya would count.”

By now our appetite has been whetted, and Amiel and Ezra decide that our small Ta’ayush contingent will pay a visit, on our way home, to the plot of land that settlers near Hebron have recently stolen from the Ja’abar family; they’ve put up a small, ugly shack on the land, with a “porch” canopied by brown camouflage net. Last week the army chased them off, because of our pressure, but they came back, of course, within a few hours. It’s time to pay them another visit. So we head north in the Palestinian van with Isa, and at some point along the highway we get out and make our way through dessicated vineyards and fallow fields uphill to the Ja’abars and then on to the hilltop and its hut. Some eight or nine settler teenagers in Sabbath white are sitting there, looking rather weary. Our arrival jogs them awake, and a messenger is sent to bring reinforcements; soon some older ones turn up, including a long-haired, wild-eyed boy-man caressing his M-16, his finger on the trigger and the clip loaded inside. He’s crazy, Amiel says, be careful. We stare him down. Amit tries to talk to them—I think he’d like to persuade them by reasoned argument that what they’re doing is immoral—with the usual result. I’m not sure how long the stalemate would have continued if we hadn’t got the call from Isa: settlers are shooting in the village of Khirbet Safa; come at once.

We rush back to the van and race north, turning west at Beit Umar. At once we’re in the heart of Palestine. The roads are riddled with pot-holes, we pass donkeys and horses and rather a lot of goats and olive trees and ragged children. After a while we see that people are standing on their flat root-tops, apparently watching the battle going on in the village below them. And the first noises impinge upon us—the distant drumming of the guns. I am wondering what we’re supposed to do. And what if we get caught between rock-throwing village teenagers and trigger-happy soldiers? Four people died here in the last few days. Some nervous thoughts flit through my brain, I think of my grandchildren, and Eileen, what am I doing here, then I remember my grand-uncle, drowned at seventeen. If only some decent person had been there to help. My head clears. Like any battle-field, this one is confusing; it takes some time, as we proceed into the village, to figure out who is doing what to whom. But half a kilometer or so away we see the army jeeps and half-tracks, and there are also soldiers standing near a wire fence with guns shouldered, as if to provide cover for the settlers. Two blue jeeps of Border Police turn up beside us on the road, and more soldiers jump out and take up their positions, focusing their telescopic sights.

Then it really begins. First the stun grenades, then the rubber-coated bullets—the Palestinians know each lethal genus and genre by the sound—then live bullets, lots of them. Crack crack crack—and the horrible hollow echo each time, as if the shot had turned back on itself and was reaching out toward any soft, vulnerable surface. We take shelter on the porch of a new stone house by the roadside. There are several women draped in black, and a younger one, elegantly dressed, with a baby cradled in a blanket in her arms. I count seven young children. One of the older women is trembling and crying; I wish I could comfort her or calm her. Isa, gallant Isa, with his weak heart, too full of feeling, smiles calmly. He’s another one of God’s miracles, Isa, a man of principle, totally committed to non-violent action, never afraid, never too tired to notice the fear or pain of those around him. It’s worth coming here just to be with Isa. Then there’s our driver, who says to me—echoing my own words earlier to Amit—”It’s a good lesson. This is how things are, most days. It’s a lesson in politics, or in war, in war as a part of politics.” In the midst of it all, the women, intent on caring for their guests under any circumstances, serve tiny cups of Turkish coffee. Minutes pass to the accompaniment of intermittent rifle fire. The white-and-beige goats next door are furiously chewing away at the thorny shrubs in the yard, heedless of the vast ruckus just outside the gate. Maybe they’re used to it by now.

Slowly we piece together from the villagers the story of this afternoon. First the settlers from Bat ‘Ayin came in, shooting their guns. Some of the young men from the village tried to fight back, to protect their homes and families with whatever they had, and all they had was rocks. Then the soldiers arrived to save the settlers and started shooting, and the rock-throwing intensified. This is one way to reconstruct the sequence. By now it hardly matters. The only question is how to stop it.

I hear wailing and screaming from somewhere to my right, amidst the olive trees and terraces, and then Amiel is calling me to come quickly; I was trained as a combat medic, and someone has been hit. I set off running in the direction of the screams, through the trees behind the houses, trying at the same time to find in my shoulder-bag the small set of pads and bandages and the rubber elastic to use as a tourniquet that I always bring along with me to South Hebron. It’s been almost exactly 27 years, I quickly calculate, since I last ran like this to a wounded man, in the first Lebanon war; and God only knows if I’ll remember what to do. They always used to tell us that the knowledge is buried in your fingers and will re-emerge automatically when you need it. I hope they’re right. In any case, there’s no time to think. The wailing intensifies. Suddenly they’re waving to me to turn back; an ambulance has found its way over the hill and driven off with the victim. Later we hear that he’s wounded “moderately.” Could have been worse.

And then we’re back on the street standing right under the soldiers, and stray rocks are crashing down near us, and one of the young student girls who came with us is hit in the leg. She’s a little shaken. A Palestinian woman needs to get home, perhaps she’s worried about her children, she’s afraid to climb the hill alone, so we envelop her on all sides and walk her uphill past the soldiers, who yell at us and try to stop us, but we ignore them and keep walking, and maybe after all we’re finally having some effect on them because at last they hold their fire. Slowly, tentatively, painfully, a certain quiet sinks in as evening comes on and the hills turn purple and then black. As is his wont, Ezra materializes suddenly, just where he is needed; how he got here through all the chaos I will never know, but he is all smiles and he says to us, “You should know that it’s only because we’re here that they’ve stopped shooting.” He’s indomitable, another great innocent, great-hearted and clear; he stops in the street to remonstrate with the young rock-throwers. If only they would learn not to do that. He thinks someday they will learn.

It’s hard to find a good man or a good woman, but I’ve been lucky in this respect. In fact, I’ve surrounded myself with them. As we walk back toward the van, Amit, the philosopher, tells me that this whole business just doesn’t make sense. Why doesn’t the army demolish the rickety hut those settlers have put up on the Ja’abar family’s land? For that matter, why does the State of Israel send its soldiers to protect the settlers in the first place? And what was the point of shooting live bullets at the village once the settlers had been scuttled away? What’s there to be gained from it? Everything seems to him surreal. He’s right. A Jewish pogrom is surreal. He’s learning Greek, it turns out, and they’ve just started reading Plato’s Apology in class. I remember that joy. It feels good, and somehow right, to remember it here in Khirbet Safa, as we prepare to leave. For a passing second I can hear Socrates speaking to the settlers, who would undoubtedly have been all too happy to condemn him to die—who would probably have shot him outright: “Don’t think that by killing someone you can escape being blamed for your own wickedness; that is neither possible nor honorable….Wherefore, O judges, be of good cheer about death, and know of a certainty, that no evil can happen to a good man, either in life or after death. He and his are not neglected by the gods.”

Who Will Be the Next Steve Rosen?

Thursday, May 7th, 2009

Now that Steve Rosen and Keith Weissman have been let off the hook by the government, which dropped the espionage charge against them, it’s appropriate to take stock.  Were they innocent?  I do not believe so.  The government surveilled them for several years and there were multiple acts of betrayal in which documents were transferred.  They were guilty as hell.  While doubters reading this will wonder at the source of my conviction, suffice it to say that it is not based solely on my own resources or research, but rather on deeper knowledge.

So what happened?  It became obvious to the Justice Department that through disadvantageous rulings by the judge, that the government would have to reveal much of the means by which it caught the accused spies.  Intelligence sources and secrets would be brought into open court.  Plans, methodologies and technical means would be compromised.

While Steve Rosen wasn’t a small fish, the government is aware that Israeli espionage is a huge undertaking in this country and that there will be more Rosens in the future.  Israel’s clandestine activity here needed to be monitored in case a larger fry than Rosen was still out there.

Think of Jonathan Pollard, one of the most prolific spies in U.S. history.  Think of Stephen Bryen, a Senate aide who passed to Israeli intelligence photos of a Saudi airbase.  His prosecution was stopped by a deputy attorney general just as Rosen’s was (though for political, rather than intelligence reasons).

There are Rosens, Pollards and Bryens out there now and will be in future.  Of that you can be sure.  Just as rust never sleeps (to quote Neil Young), neither does the Mossad.

What concerns me though is that aside from Pollard, many spies for Israel, if caught, are either not prosecuted or the charges are dropped.  A good part of the reason is that the Israeli government and pro-Israel forces exert massive influence both in public and behind the scenes to free their spies.  This is precisely what Jane Harman agreed to do (though she claims she welched and didn’t do what she promised) on Rosen’s behalf.  Malcolm Hoenlein was another communal leader who went on the warpath on Rosen’s behalf, labeling the FBI as riddled with anti-Semites eager to burn Jews via the dual loyalty canard.

Pro-Israel forces even managed to gain the support of a leading expert on government secrecy like Steve Aftergood, who criticized the prosecution.  In attacking the case, Aftergood seemed more concerned with protecting whistleblowers than prosecuting spies.

My concern is that the U.S. intelligence community and prosecutors bringing such cases do not have support in the Jewish community, especially the pro-peace community.  Without such support, it is that much easier for a judge to find sympathy for the alleged “victim.”  It becomes that much easier to throw up an impossibly high hurdle for prosecution.

No one is saying that those accused of spying for Israel do not deserve a fair trial.  But neither am I saying that they deserve a cakewalk.  If the Israel lobby is going to mount a campaign on behalf of ‘their’ spooks, those who believe that Israel’s interests are not necessarily the same as our own should be capable of mounting a similar campaign to see that justice is done not just for the individual, but for our country as well.  I wish that the next time such a prosecution happens that the government would do a better job of communicating its case not just to the judge, but to those who might support it in our community.

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