Mahzor

New York Public Library

Churches

Sarajevo Haggadah

Mah Nishtanah

Sarajevo haggadah

Antaea Darom

Israeli women's art

Action

Torah as music

Ben Heine

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ceramic bowl

Mohammad Said Kalash, "Offering Reconciliation" exhibit (photo: Ilan Amihai)

Action

Punch and Judy/Pinchas and Jamila

Avi Katz

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David Grossman

Ben Heine

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Eldrige Street shul

Lower East Side

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Dove

Ben Heine

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Two birds

Hoda Jamal

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Israeli and Palestinian boys

from documentary, Promises

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Cat in the Hat

Yiddish version

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Daylight through the Wall

Banksy: graffiti art on Separation Wall

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Maurice Sendak's Brundibar set

New Victory Theater (photo: Nan Melville/NYT)

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Daniel Barenboim, West-Eastern Divan Orchestra

Palestinian-Israeli musical ensemble (photo: Kerstin Joensson/AP)

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Great Day on Eldrige Street

N.Y.'s klezmer greats celebrate shul rededication (photo: Leo Sorel)

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Joint Appeal for Peace

(Avi Katz)

Joint Appeal for Peace

Ketubah, Ancona, Italy (1772)

(Jewish Theological Seminary library)

Ancona ketubah

Archive for February, 2005

How Jewish GIs Became Slave Laborers in Nazi Concentration Camps and Our Government Covered it Up

Monday, February 28th, 2005

Roger Cohen and Charles Guggenheim have helped reclaim a hitherto unknown shameful event in U.S. history: the abandonment by our government of 350 GI POWs who were sent to German concentration camps to engage in deadly slave labor near war’s end. Cohen’s The Lost Soldiers of Stalag IX-B, appearing in the New York Times alerted me to this horrifying event about which I’d previously known nothing. In April, his new book on the subject, Soldiers and Slaves, will be published (see book link and jacket here). Charles Guggenheim directed the award-winning documentary, Berga: Soldiers from Another War which is linked below.

When the Germans launched the Battle of the Bulge they captured over 80,000 GIs. They sent them to POW camps within Germany proper. But for a select group of 350 GIs, their lives would turn into a living hell. The Nazis in the dying days of the War were desperate for slave labor to support the war effort. So they decided to try to identify the Jewish GIs and send them to slave labor camps in absolute contravention of the Geneva Convention. In addition to Jews who inexplicably self-identified themselves, the Nazis enlisted soldiers whose names sounded Jewish or whose features appeared Jewish. To these, the Germans added non-Jewish soldiers they deemed troublemakers. 20% of the group were Jews (while 3% of regular Army troops were Jewish).

This group of men were ferried by train to a concentration camp called Berga. There they worked in 17 tunnels dynamiting and breaking down rock to no clear purpose. Unlike the regular European Jewish inmates who had become inured to the hardship of camp life due to previous internment in far harsher locations like Buchenwald, the GIs were unused to such harsh conditions and a score died in camp from starvation or illness. But the worst of the worst came in the final days of the war, when the German guards, afraid of capture by the advancing Allied armies took their charges on the infamous Death Marches endured by tens of thousands of Jewish camp inmates. Conditions on these desperate journeys were far worse than in the camps. The GIs took to eating grass because there was no other food to eat. Scores died until the marchers finally met advancing U.S. troops near the Czech border.

Pfc. James Watkins at prison hospital in
Fuchsmuehl, Germany after surviving the
Berga death march
(credit: NARA Photo)

For more documentary photographs of Berga, visit Jewish Virtual Library.

In the course of a mere ten weeks, these men went from being the pride of America’s fighting effort to concentration camp inmates. Those who survived, though almost none of them understood this at the time or even later, had become Holocaust survivors. But the terrible schande about this event is that the U.S. military and government told the survivors to forget what happened to them. It even forced some to sign confidentiality agreements saying they would not reveal what they suffered as it might compromise the nation.

Two of the most sadistic German guards were imprisoned, but the longest sentence was a mere seven years. The SS commandant of the camp escaped punishment entirely. All this, because by 1947 the U.S. had decided that its next major enemy would become Soviet Russia. The crimes of Nazis, even when perpetrated on our own troops were no longer important. There were U.S. commanding officers among the POWs who counseled the Jewish GIs to reveal their ethnic identity to their German captors. They in effect became unwitting collaborators with their Nazi guards. None of them were ever disciplined for their arrant stupidity.

Tunnels which housed mines where
GIs slaved
(credit: NARA)

You can imagine the psychological toll that the event has taken on the survivors made even worse by the Army and government’s conspiracy of silence. How can a soldier who’s been through that hell be brave enough to want to remember it when everyone he served with is telling him forget? For me, this is yet another nail in the coffin of the Roosevelt Administration as it pertains to its Holocaust policy. As for the Jewish inmates, one might register a scintilla of understanding for its position that saving them was not the highest priority because it would not hasten the war’s end. But here you have the case of U.S. soldiers, U.S. citizens made to endure the worst of Nazi torment. And no one in a position to do so did anything. Then, afterwards they tried to cover it up. This is an act of shame and a stain on the nation.

The events of Berga also have a contemporary resonance which Roger Cohen did not realize when he wrote this article. Since 9/11, the Bush Administration has done its best to limit the scope of the Geneva Convention as far as denial of basic rights for Taliban and Al Qaeda fighters. What Alberto Gonzales, John Ashforth and all those who wish to ignore the Geneva Conventions should remember is that if Nazi Germany could turn its back on the protections afforded by the Conventions in situations like Berga, imagine what could happen to American soldiers captured in countries that have even less respect for international law than Nazi Germany did. The stronger we argue that Geneva Conventions do not apply to such terrorist suspects, the more we are begging for some other power or nation to throw our position back in our face as they treat our soldiers the same way the Berga prisoners were treated.


GI kneels at grave of dead GI in Berga
cemetery
(credit: NARA)


Abayudaya: music of the Jews of Uganda

Sunday, February 27th, 2005

Samson Wamani in doorway of his home
(credit: Wildfoto.com)

The Abayudaya are a small (600 member) community of Ugandan Jews who embraced Judaism nearly 100 years ago during the period of English colonial rule. They live in a series of small villages near the eastern Ugandan town of Mbale (see accompanying map). I am indebted for the historical background that follows to Rabbi Jeffrey Summit‘s comprehensive liner notes for his CD, Abayudaya. Summit, Hillel director and professor of music at Tufts, has performed a labor of love in traveling to Uganda, taping the music and oral histories of this community, and compiling it in a wonderful book and CD (see graphic links here to both).


What is remarkable about the Abayudaya is that they do not claim direct Jewish ancestry like Beta Israel of Ethiopia or the Lemba of southern Africa (another amazing story). Instead, they tell the story of Semei Kakungulu, a military leader who allied himself with the British during the 1890s in their fight to assume colonial control of the country. He also converted to the Anglican Church in the hope of currying favor with his British overlords. Kakungulu expected that the British would honor their end of the bargain by making him king of eastern Uganda. He turned against the British in 1913 when they did not name him king. He also turned against the Anglican Church and joined a dissident Protestant church who regarded Saturday as Sabbath, ate no pork and followed Biblical practice allowing polygamy.Abayudaya

As he read from the Lugandan (the local language) translation of the Hebrew Bible, he embraced the Biblical precept that male babies should be circumcised on the eighth day of life. When he was told that such practice broke not only with Baganda (the local ethnic group) heritage but with Christianity, he reportedly replied: “If this is so then from this day on I am a Jew”. Kakungulu, as the elders tell the story circumcised himself and his sons (as did Abraham). Many of his followers followed suit. He practiced a forum of “proto-Judaism” and “developed the community’s Sabbath liturgy, which included preaching, reading selections from the Hebrew Bible in Luganda and singing selections from the Song of Moses (Deut. 32:1-43).”Abayudaya_book

The story of the Abayudaya embrace of Judaism involves the nexus between religion, politics and power that has left an indelible impact throughout greater Jewish history as well. And what is equally remarkable is that the Abayudaya brand of Judaism developed mostly in isolation from the broader Jewish world. Certainly there were several formative encounters with other Jews over the decades of the 20th century, but not until the 1990s was there regular ongoing contact with the world Jewish community. And though its religion may have developed in isolation from world Jewry, the Abayudaya have known persecution, destitution and forced conversion not far removed from what happened to Spanish Jews in the 15th-16th centuries. When the brutal dictator, Idi Amin came to power, he cracked down hard on Abayudaya religious practices. They observed rituals in secret for if they were caught they faced prison. Thousands of them, faced with abject poverty and even starvation if they remained in the faith, preferred to convert. Even now, with such persecution a thing of the past only 20% of the original population remains Jewish.

The Abayudaya have a keen sense of the importance of maintaining their religious observances and musical tradition. In this passage, Rabbi Summit quotes two communal leaders on the subject interspersed with some thoughts of his own:

Israel Siriri told me: “We should continue to sing and teach our own melodies and traditions that have strengthened us over the years.” So too Keki expressed admiration for North American Jewish melodies, but that doesn’t mean that the Abayudaya should forget their own traditions. Uri Katula continued: “We need to sing our own traditional music. If not, there would be no need for you to come and see the Abayudaya. What would be the purpose? Would you be coming to learn? No. Because we would be doing what you do. And I doubt whether God likes that. Why did He place some Jews in Uganda and some in America? I think the purpose was to make it a colorful world.” Sizomu concluded, “We are one people, but like Jacob’s coat, we are a coat of many colors.”

In the last 85 years, this people developed a liturgy with music that borrowed from local folk tradition, Protestant hymn-singing and contemporary Ugandan music. Liturgical texts also are an amalgam of Hebrew, Lugandan and Protestant customs. You can clearly hear the Hebrew words when they sing. As a Jew who grew up within a strong religious tradition (though I was not deeply observant), it is moving to hear prayers and songs you clearly recognize but which are somehow transformed into something very different as if they had passed through a cultural looking glass into a new dimension. Listen to the Abayudaya version of the popular Shabbat song, Adon Olam.

Abayudaya liturgical music is utterly charming. The a capella choral settings of some prayers may owe a great deal to the hymn singing in African Protestant churches, but as far as I’m concerned, when I hear the Hebrew words sung that makes it an authentic Jewish musical experience. Other liturgical music which has simple instrumental accompaniment may owe a debt to Ugandan popular music, nevertheless I find it truly winning. I dare you not to smile when you listen to the music on Abayudaya. It is pure loveliness. I was heartsick that this recording did not win the world music Grammy (instead Ladysmith Black Mambazo won). How many Grammys has Ladysmith already won? How many more will they win? And how many chances do you think this struggling community will have to witness its music and traditions honored on a world stage in the person of the Grammys? It was a shame.

Summit enlisted the help of photographer Richard Sobol, who created a remarkable photographic record of life in Abayudaya villages and collected them in Abayudaya, a book he co-wrote with Summit. Sobol maintains a website which features these luminous documentary photographs. You can also hear a radio interview he did for this project on the BBC/PRI show, The World. Summit was also interviewed on NPR’s Tavis Smiley Show. There is a documentary film, Moving Heaven & Earth, about Ugandan Jews which is currently making the rounds of the Jewish film festival circuit.

Zionism and the Cult of Death

Saturday, February 26th, 2005

Baruch Kimmerling, Sociology professor,
Hebrew University
(credit: Kimmerling)

Yes, this is a provocative and even polemical title and it certainly runs counter to the notion that the purpose of Zionism and the creation of the State of Israel was to save Jewish lives and ensure the survival of the Jewish people in the aftermath of the Holocaust. But Baruch Kimmerling‘s Nation Magazine article, Israel’s Culture of Martyrdom, presents a profoundly illuminating thesis which argues that martyrdom plays a critical role in the Zionist credo. His first paragraph gives you a good sense of his argument:

Nations like to imagine themselves as unique, but one belief they have in common is that it is noble to die in their name. Death and redemption are the themes of almost every form of patriotism. In the case of Israel, however, the connection between nationalism and death is especially visceral. For the Jewish state is a nation that emerged from the ashes of a project of extermination, and that sees itself as the best defense against the renewal of violent persecution. Zionism, the state’s ruling ideology, is a triumphal creed shadowed by death.

One must add that Israel is not alone in observing this “visceral” connection between nationalism and death. One must look no farther than Serbia and the nationalist fantasy inculcated by Slobodan Milosevic into his countrymen which helped feed Serbian genocide against the Kosovars. For Serbians, the defeat and martyrdom of their hero, Prince Lazar in the 1389 Battle of Kosovo to stop the Ottoman advance into Europe marks a pivotal moment in Serbian history. To this day, Lazar’s martyrdom is worshipped and exalted by all Serbians, but especially by ultra-nationalists like Milosevic and his ilk.

One might well argue that the martyrdom ethos has had an equally corrosive effect in Jewish and Zionist tradition. In fact, Kimmerling quotes historian Idit Zertal as saying (in terms of Jewish history): “ancient graves produce fresh graves.” There are so many examples: Masada, the Bar Kochba rebellion, the Holocaust. And then there are the series of martyrdoms that helped produce modern day Israel–the very first one being Trumpeldor’s death at Tel Hai (very similar to Prince Lazar’s death at Kosovo Polje) during which battle he is reported to have said: “”It is good to die for our country” (reminding me of Nathan Hale’s “I only regret that I have but one life to give for my country”). Kimmerling again paraphrases Zertal on the significance of Trumpeldor’s martyrdom within the context of modern Zionism:

[His death] marked the beginning of a cult of death among Israeli Jews. The “new Jewish man,” in this ideology, was ready to make the ultimate sacrifice, to die defending his land and people, in stark contrast with Diaspora Jews, who would later be depicted as weaker souls who went “like lambs to the slaughter” in the Holocaust. The voices arguing that it is better to live for one’s country than to die for it were accordingly stifled and silenced. It is deeply ironic that the very same society now claims to be shocked by the “martyrdom culture” in the occupied territories.

There are a number of arguments advanced by unquestioning supporters of Israel which seek to disparage Palestinian claims to humanity and nationhood. These arguments invariably drive me to drink because they are repeated and rehashed ad nauseum as if by repeating them often enough they will somehow magically be proven true. One of these is the argument Kimmerling alludes to–that Palestinians do not value life, either those of Israelis or their own. Otherwise, why would they keep sending suicide bombers to blow themselves up? Kimmerling reminds us that often when we are disgusted by a supposed moral “defect” in an enemy we have no farther to look than ourselves to see similar defects reflected in our own behavior.

Kimmerling discusses the enormously complicated role played by the Holocaust in the establishment of the State. While this event permeates the consciousness of all Jews, Zionist leaders like Ben Gurion were not above manipulating world opinion and the survivors themselves in order to advance his own Zionist agenda. Kimmerling reminds us of this chilling statement by Israel’s first prime minister:

“if I knew it was possible to save all children of Germany by their transfer to England and only half of them by transferring them to the Land of Israel, I would choose the latter, because we are faced not only with the accounting of these children but also with the historical accounting of the Jewish people.”

Here is a perfect example of nationalist ideology standing in the way of life and common sense. Lest you think that Ben Gurion’s comments were mere rhetoric, there are numerous examples in which he prevented rescue of Holocaust survivors because they would be sent to nations other than Israel. In another self-serving gesture, Ben Gurion also suggested granting symbolic citizenship to the six million “in effect, turning them into martyrs for the Jewish state.”

In the buildup to the War of Independence, the Jews of mandatory Palestine desperately needed manpower for the future fights against the Arab nations. They began recruiting from the DP camps. But when voluntary recruitment fared poorly, Zionist leaders persuaded the camp leadership to compel able-bodied men and women to enlist in the Haganah “through a variety of means, among them firing employees from their jobs; evicting tenants from their houses; denying food supplies; arrests and beatings; and the threat of ostracism from the community.” Ben Gurion was not above brutalizing the victims once more if it meant they would help ensure the survival of the Jewish state.

Then there is perhaps the most crucial use to which Ben Gurion put the Holocaust in the first decade or so of the State: the Eichmann affair. When most people think about Israel’s kidnapping, trial and execution of Eichmann, the entire series of events seems eminently reasonable and fair: a notorious Nazi killer gets his just desserts. Yet the issues are much more complicated than they appear on the surface.

Despite his ambivalence about the Holocaust and its victims, “Ben-Gurion sought to turn the Holocaust into the central pillar of Israeli identity and to use it as the main basis upon which to legitimize the Zionist project. The Eichmann case [w]ould be used as a tool to equate Israel’s Arab enemies with the Nazis. The trial helped cast Israel as the representative and savior of world Jewry.” Kimmerling calls the case “a show trial” which at first seems an unduly harsh judgment. But not in the context of Ben Gurion’s Machiavellian manipulation of any and all events for the benefit of the Zionist idea: “The trial was [first and foremost] a grand attempt to shape Jewish and Holocaust history and memory by a single man, Ben-Gurion, and it had far less to do with the task of proving Eichmann’s guilt.”

The Israeli prosecution outlined the events of the Holocaust for the trial’s world audience emphasizing that Jewish resistance consisted solely of Zionists. There was no mention of Bundist, Communists or even Betarniks. For Ben Gurion, they did not exist. Never mentioned by the prosecution were the heroic exploits of Marek Edelman, Bundist leader of the Warsaw Ghetto uprising. Edelman rejected the calls for mass suicide on the part of the remaining Jewish fighters and instead escaped through the Warsaw sewers to freedom. Afterward, “he rejected the very idea that one could draw “lessons” from the Holocaust, as well as the notion that Zionism provided the “answer” to the Jewish question.”

Kimmerling notes that the Eichmann trial provided a historical template by which Israelis would see the events of the 1967 War (coming only five years later) as an “‘existential threat’ of Holocaust proportions [instead of] a secular war over disputed land.” This in turn rallied world Jewry around the cause of saving Israel at all cost. Certainly, if Israel’s existence is imperiled, then there can be no questioning of Israel’s policies or motives in its conflict with the Arabs. Yet another corrosive effect of the cult of martyrdom.

Kimmerling places recent events in Israeli politics (the struggle leading up to Gaza withdrawal) within this context by analyzing right-wing Israeli abuse of the Holocaust:

Almost every Israeli politician who has tried to make peace with the Arabs has been likened to Neville Chamberlain, or as a “Nazi” whose secret desire is nothing less than the annihilation of the Jewish people. Any “concession” to the Arabs signals the destruction of Israel, the end of Zionism and the end of the Jewish people. Another symbol often seen at right-wing demonstrations is the yellow Star of David, the single most emotive symbol of Jewish victimization. If Ariel Sharon is Israel’s prime minister today, it is in large part because of this right-wing campaign of vilification against supporters of a negotiated peace with the Palestinian people. Now, it seems, it is his turn to be demonized as his proposed evacuation from the Gaza Strip settlements comes to be labeled as a process aimed at making the Land of Israel judenrein–i.e., cleansed of Jews.

One of the primary rallying cries for modern Zionism in the wake of the Holocaust has been according to Kimmerling: “Never forget.” But he adds (quoting Zertal) one can “remember too much.” Kimmerling masterfully sums up his argument thus:

The obsessive commemoration of the Holocaust and of Jewish victimhood has blinded much of the Jewish community to Israel’s real position in the world and to the humanity of the Palestinian people. The result makes ever more distant a reasonable political solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict. It is the victory of death over life, of the past over the future. To be sure, there are periods in the history of a nation when ultimate sacrifices are necessary. [But] the question in Israel today is whether this heroic period has come to an end or whether the prevailing ideology of the 1948 war will last another hundred years until the entire “Land of Israel” is “liberated.” To choose the former option is to grant priority to the lives of Israel’s citizens, Jewish and Arab. To choose the latter is to remain a community of victims, joined in a mythical communion of Jewish sacrifice in an eternally hostile gentile world. Tragically, most of the organized American Jewish community seems to prefer the mythic option, a course that can only lead to disaster.

Amen to that.

Janet Jackson’s Boob: How Big Media Can Keep Tittilating Viewers, Avoid the FCC’s Wrath, and Make Tons New Ad Money

Saturday, February 26th, 2005

Janet Jackson boob cartoonJanet Jackson & Justin Timberlake at the Super Bowl: what might’ve been… (credit: Striporama.com)

Thanks to Elena Steier, a wonderful online cartoonist I discovered a few weeks ago, I’d like to present a modest proposal to the TV networks that will shield them from massive FCC indecency fines, continue titillating viewers just as Jackson did during last year’s Super Bowl, and draw huge revenues from sponsors. In this age of TiVO, the networks are crying in their beer about the audience turning off commercials and the necessity of finding new forms of advertising. Well, I’ve come up (or I should say Elena’s come up with) a new form of TV advertising: boob endorsement. That’s right. Show Janis’ boob and get all the male viewers slobbering in their juices but shield it with the corporate logo of your choice: “Janet’s boob brought to you by Cialis.” Think of all the body parts you can’t now expose, but which would be open to view with a choice logo covering up the naughty parts? If I were a network advertising exec my mouth would be drooling right about now.

Oh and instead of those insipid pop lyrics Janet and Justin were lip-syncing, how about Elena’s brilliant suggestion: “Justin Timberlake should have sung the words, ‘Anyone experiencing an erection lasting over four hours should see a doctor.’”

What Were They Thinking?
Israel Policy Forum Gala Features Ehud Olmert,
Advocate of Arafat Assassination

Friday, February 25th, 2005

Ehud Olmert, Israeli
vice prime minister

The Israel Policy Forum is one of the best of the Jewish groups working towards a peaceful resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. I consider myself a longstanding friend of IPF. I’ve attended several events here in Seattle & contributed modestly to the cause. I’ve written often about IPF in my blog.

But today, I received a postcard from IPF that unnerved me. The upcoming June 9th gala Tribute Dinner features Ehud Olmert as keynote speaker. Those who can remember back a year or so ago will remember that Olmert announced that the government was seriously considering assassinating Yaser Arafat (see my post on the subject). Since when does a politician who proposes a government policy that might arguably be considered a war crime if not a breach of international law get rewarded with an invitation to address an organization devoted to Israeli-Palestinian peace? I can imagine that IPF might’ve reasoned that Olmert is one of the more moderate ministers of Sharon’s hotheaded cabinet. Olmert seems to be the designated Israeli official for release of “dovish” or moderate pronouncements regarding the conflict. So IPF’s thinking must be that it wants to signify a receptiveness to the views of Israeli political opponents who might share some of IPF’s tactical, if not strategic vision.

I can understand the thinking in a sense. But I simply don’t buy it. To me, this is akin to the ACLU inviting Alberto Gonzales to address their annual dinner. It just doesn’t make much sense. This seems to me one of the odder programming ideas I’ve heard for a progressive Jewish organization. Ehud Olmert is marginally more receptive to the concept of a negotiated settlement with the Palestinians than Sharon is (which is not at all). Olmert has not made clear that in his vision Israel would accept the creation of a viable, territorially contiguous Palestinian state. While Olmert publicly supports a limited settlement withdrawal from the Territories, he has never defined his prescriptions for withdrawal: how many settlements? which ones? where? And finally, Olmert as I’ve watched him on NIghtline and read his statements in the press over the years strikes me as an efficient Likud street fighter, a tough and ruffian of the first order. I’d hate to meet him in a political dark alley. Keep in mind, he was the most senior government official to suggest publicly that Israel was considering To me, this makes Olmert pasul and treif. Inviting him to be the keynote speaker at your major annual fundraising dinner is like breaking bread with the devil.

I called IPF to ask them to explain their thinking in inviting Olmert to speak. The director’s assistant said he would convey the message to him, but thus far I have heard nothing. I will be happy to add their reponse to this post once I receive it.

Kakai Kilonzo: Kenya’s Benga Music

Friday, February 25th, 2005


I was listening to Doug Paterson’s show on KBCS a few weeks ago and he played a very catchy tune that reminded me of the vibrant but exceedingly simple music that used to come out of Africa in the 1960s and 70s. KakaiA reedy singer (sounding reedy probably because of his recording equipment and not due to his vocal style) accompanied by the speedy fingering of lead and bass guitars and very simple straight forward drumming (no drum synthesizers here). The word “catchy” doesn’t quite do the music justice. These tracks are little gems of intense, but exceedingly simple musical styling. They please the ear and compel your feet to move like the best of African music. This recording brought back refreshing memories of early Franco, Tabu Ley, Sam Mangwana, etc.

It turns out I was listening to Kakai Kilonzo’s Mama Sofi: part 1 and Mama Sofi: part 2 (hear them). I was a little dumbstruck to discover this because I don’t recall hearing much Kenyan music over the past 20 years or so in which I’ve been listening to African music. I’d never heard of Kakai Kilonzo, but thanks to Doug I have now.

When I visited Doug Paterson’s East African Music site, I also learned that he wrote the liner notes for the album (no wonder he was playing it on his show!). In addition, Doug’s written the Rough Guide to the Music of Kenya (read the liner notes) and compiled the accompanying CD.Kenya

Kakai Kilonzo comes out of a musical style called benga…

a pop style with its roots in tradtional rhythems, instruments and melodies. Luo musicians from western Kenya brought it to prominence in the late 60s but other cultural/linguistic groups in other parts of Kenya quickly developed their own localized variants. With its pulsing beat, interlocking guitars, extended solos, and rapid-fire bass, benga dominated the Kenyan music scne over most of the post-colonial period.

Kakai Kilonzo is one of the rare ones whose music was enjoyed by people all across Kenya and beyond. To simple but catchy melodies, he wrote lyrics that were interesting and relevant to the Kenyan experience. His songs offered social commentary, often with humor or bewilderment; songs that common folk could relate to whether living in cities or rural areas. He wrote about rich and poor, men and women, problems within families and among neighbors. He interpreted the political and cultural landscape to the delight of fans across Kenya.

While he wrote songs in his native Kamba language throughout his career, it was his adept use of Swahili that endeared him to a broader audience across Kenya.

Sadly, while at the peak of his career, Kakai was taken ill in early 1987 and passed away a few weeks later in the age of 32.

The songs were recorded with 45 rpm singles in mind. In the vinyl editions, side one fades out and side two fades in with part two of the song.
–from Doug Paterson’s liner notes

Shava, the record label which released the recording says this about it: “the cool and relaxed songs of “Best Of Kakai Volume One” not only were major hits in Kenya but are of timeless beauty and crystalline perfection. Kakai Kilonzo has created little gems of African pop by mixing the gossips of ironic urban love stories with his version of benga rooted deeply in traditional Kamba music and its dance rhythms.”

NOTICE: This mp3 blog exists to spread the wonder and genius that is traditional music. So by all means come, listen, enjoy, then follow the links to buy the music and support the artists featured here.

Rwanda and Its Moral Lessons

Wednesday, February 23rd, 2005
Rwanda_child_nyt

These remarkable photographs were taken by
New York Times photographer Vanessa Rick
in 1999 and are chronicled at Children of
Rwanda’s Genocide
. This child lives in the
Kigali dump
(credit: Vanessa Rick)

The Rwandan genocide is quite simply the most momentous and troubling event of our time. Like Hitler’s Holocaust, it is too big to comprehend emotionally or even linguistically. Theodore Adorno once said that the only proper response to the Holocaust can be silence. In some senses, the same may be true of Rwanda.

But I only agree with Adorno in a spiritual sense. We must stand in awe and utter incapacity before the enormity of this crime against the entire human race. But eventually, we have a duty, if we wish to prevent more Rwandas to talk and write and make films and write letters and read blogs about the genocide. It must never leave our consciousness.

The Last Just Man makes the point that in Rwanda the killings far outstripped in grim efficiency that of the Nazis. The Hutus murdered 800,000 with mere machetes in a three MONTH period, while in approximately three YEARS of extermination and with every technological advance in killing science known up to that time at their disposal, the Nazis managed to kill 6 million. These are the kinds of bone-chilling “facts” that we must face when we confront these evils.

Luckily for us, there are artists, filmmakers and journalists who’ve risen to the occasion by memorializing the suffering in as powerful a way as one can imagine. I’d like to tell you here about some of the profoundly powerful works created to chronicle that genocide. They are the sentries and signposts that provide us with resources to comprehend what happened (if that is indeed possible) and to formulate a response (no matter how inadequate).

Rwanda_boy_accused_of_genocide_nyt

The 8 year-old boy pictured here
is accused of genocide

Right now, the film Hotel Rwanda starring Don Cheadle as Kigali hotel manager, Paul Rusesabagina, who turns his establishment into a sanctuary to save the lives of innocent Tutsis is vying for Hollywood Oscars. But let’s not forget Philip Gourevitch’s book, We Wish to Inform You that Tomorrow We Will Be Killed with Our Families, from which the film originated. Gourevitch lived in Rwanda for nine months after the slaughter and has written several extraordinary pieces on the genocide in The New Yorker. Unfortunately, the magazine does not make any of them available online. Library electronic databases only begin archiving the magazine in 2001 so you cannot find his article there either. Neither could I find the article with the help of Google. With the help of my local library, I’m making his groundbreaking article, The Genocide Fax (which first chronicled Romeo Dallaire’s heroic efforts to stave off genocide), available here. PBS makes the full text of the memo available via its documentary, The Triumph of Evil.

Many remarkable books and documentaries have been made about the genocide but the most powerful one I’ve seen is Greg Barker’s, Ghosts of Rwanda. It reveals the finest of human behavior exemplified by Dallaire, Carl Wilkens and Captain Marc Diagne; the most depraved in the person of the perpetrators; and somewhere in between the callow, shameful failure of U.S. and UN political leaders and diplomats to mount an effective response to evil.Rwanda_pbs

Like any Jew who lives in the aftermath of Hitler’s Holocaust, I’ve tried to come to terms with that greatest of genocides. One of the great questions we pondered in classes in Jewish theology at Camp Ramah when I was a teenager was: “can it happen again?” And the related questions, “is Hitler’s Holocaust sui generis? and “could there be any crime that compares to it?” Alas, we now know the answer to all those questions and it is, yes. It certainly can happen again and has in Rwanda, the Sudan, Kosovo and Cambodia (among other places). While Hitler’s men may’ve killed the most, these other genocides are all of the same type. No, our Jewish suffering was, unfortunately not unique.Rwanda_video

In watching Ghosts of Rwanda and the other media featured here I’ve learned a few important lessons about the genocide against the Jews. The main lesson is that while genocide happens because of deep reservoirs of evil in human beings and nations riven by hatred, genocide cannot happen unless the internal and external forces that might stop it are immobilized by fear, inertia, blindness or distraction. Unfortunately, all these phenomena were evident in the pitiful response of the global community (specifically the UN and U.S.) to the Rwandan genocide.

Rwanda_children_dancing_nyt

These orphaned children participate
in activites at a shelter

As we watch senior U.S. officials claim querulously that the extent of the genocide “wasn’t clear” (Madeleine Albright) or that we just didn’t understand what was happening (Bill Clinton), or that “I asked others for the evidence and they couldn’t provide any” (Anthony Lake) we can understand how the Allied powers acquiesced in Hilter’s genocide. What is remarkable in today’s world is that a mere ten or so years later we understand roughly what happened, who failed the Tutsis and why. What is deeply regretful is that no one was held accountable after World War II for doing nothing to stop the Holocaust (nor has anyone outside of the direct perpetrators been held accountable regarding Rwanda). Neither FDR, who refused to bomb the camps and railroad convoys to the camps nor James Burns, the anti-Semitic Secretary of State who actively campaigned against helping Jews and saving their lives have been held truly accountable by history or the nation. Rwanda_gurevitch_book I guess you call this a ghoulish sort of progress in that today we can say who did the right thing and who did nothing. Rwanda will stand as an eternal blot on Bill Clinton’s presidency and hopefully he will spend the rest of his life tortured by what he could’ve done and didn’t. FDR’s presidency has hardly received any such accounting. His undoubted greatness remains relatively untarnished in the eyes of historians and that is deeply to be regreted.

It is only natural that what grips us the most powerfully is the herosim of the Dalliares, Wilkens and Rusesabaginas. It represents the only thin threads of human dignity that run through this sordid story.Rwanda_dallaire_book Listening to Carl Wilkens describe how he decided that he must confront the Hutu prime minister who he knew was responsible for the genocide he witnessed every day in order to save the children at an orphanage is some of the most compelling testimony I have ever watched. Knowing his life was in danger and that this man was responsible for the murder of hundreds of thousands, he politely but forcefully asked him to save the children who were then surrounded by drunken and armed militias itching to kill. Would he die for his temerity? Or would his request be honored either out of human decency or a desire to appear magnanimous to this foreigner? The only thing that really matters is that the Hutu leader called off the dogs and the children were saved.

When we watch Dalliare, we join him in his heartbreak. We all die a little with him as he describes the attempted suicides, alcoholism and haunting nightmares which accompany his post-Rwanda life. Perhaps most disturbing and pathos-filled is his haunting reply to an interviewer who reassures him that he did his best: “But what good does that do me? My best was not good enough. And what happened is my fault.”

No, it was not his fault. Though we can certainly empathize with the profound sense of guilt he feels for his impotence. But there are real culprits who deserve real blame. Among them: Kofi Annan and his chief deputy, Iqbal Riza who checked Dallaire’s best plans and impulses instead of facilitating his efforts; Bill Clinton and Madeleine Albright (among others); the Belgian government which withdrew its troops, the largest contingent of the UN peacekeeping force; but most of all the Tutsi Interhamwe militia who perpetrated the evil. All of them either have blood on their hands directly or could have saved lives if they’d done what they should have done. Instead, they let humanity down and history will judge them harshly for it.

The following is a set of links that I’ve found helpful in understanding the tragedy of the Rwandan genocide:

Ghosts of Rwanda: interviews with key diplomatic and military players in Rwandan genocide
The Few Who Stayed: Defying Genocide in Rwanda–radio interviews with three heroes in the face of evil
Ghosts of Rwanda: video excerpts
Ghosts of Rwanda: full program transcript
Triumph of Evil: PBS documentary
The Last Just Man: documentary profile of Romeo Dallaire

Will Entertainment Industry Send Technological Innovation the Way of Dodo Bird?

Tuesday, February 22nd, 2005

Ever heard of any of the following: the DVD X-Copy (DVD archiving program)? Advanced eBook Processor
(Adobe e-book decrypter)? Replay TV 4000 (personal Video Recorder)? Streambox VCR (Recorder for Real Audio)? Napster (of course you have)?

What do they all have in common? They all were promising new technological innovations “that Hollywood and the record companies hunted down, hobbled, or killed…in infancy or adolescence to ensure they wouldn’t grow up to threaten the status quo” according to the Electronic Frontier Foundation’s Endangered Gizmos campaign.

Perhaps you’re saying right about now: “I haven’t heard of any of these products…so what does this have to do with me and why is it of any importance?” Well, you have heard of the iPod and TiVO, right? Perhaps, you’ve even found one of them or both almost indispensable to your personal life. Now, imagine you’d never seen one or even heard of one because they never even existed.

The EFF’s Endangered Gizmos campaign seeks to throw a monkey wrench into:

the entertainment industry’s plan to control the next generation of TiVos and iPods. [The industry's] arsenal includes government-backed technology mandates, lawsuits, international treaties, and behind-the-scenes negotiations in obscure technology standards groups. The result is a world in which only industry-approved devices and technologies survive in the marketplace.

This is bad news for innovation and free competition, but it also threatens a wide range of activities the entertainment conglomerates have no use for — from [copying] TV or movie clips for a classroom presentation, to creating your own “Daily Show”-style video to make a political statement, to simply copying an MP3 file so you can take your music with you.

Other entertainment devices under threat of extinction or radical alteration to suit the entertainment industry’s dictates include: the Morpheus filesharing system, firewire drives, open WiFi access points, CD burner, Total Recorder (Virtual soundcards) and the HD 3000 (HDTV Tuner card). The industry has proposed legislation that would foreclose the development of these technological innovations.

Now, let me point out a few entertainment products which never would’ve seen the light of day if copyright attorneys representing the entertainment industry had had their way: the VCR, garage door opener and refurbished computer equipment (like toner cartridges).

If they succeed, we would not only lose the products themselves, we’d also lose whatever technological innovations would’ve derived from them. You have to remember that technology doesn’t develop in a vacuum. Rather it develops in the context of innovations that’ve preceded it. When you abruptly stifle such development you impoverish society by depriving it of the entrepreneurship opportunities and innovation that would’ve ensued.

MGM v. Grokster

EFF developed the Endangered Gizmos project to highlight an important case which came up recently for argument before the Supreme Court: MGM v. Grokster (As Piracy Battle Nears Supreme Court, the Messages Grow Manic). EFF represents one of the defendants in the case. Basically, the entertainment industry seeks to force filesharing networks like Grokster and Streamcast to police their own users to ensure they are not violating copyright law through illegal downloading. Even though the courts have not found the filesharing networks guilty as long as they merely point downloaders to each other’s computers, now the industry seeks to lay the responsibility for individual users’ so-called breaches of copyright at the doorstep of the networks. While I am not a copyright attorney, this seems a pretty big stretch and I find it doubtful that the Court will buy it.

FCC’s ‘Broadcast Flag’ Mandate

In another case of media conglomerates using the government to do their dirty work, Public Knowledge has brought a case against the FCC for introducing a new rule forcing TV manufacturers to equip every new set with the capacity to recognize “broadcast flags” (Federal Effort to Head Off TV Piracy Is Challenged) The flags serve the same function as the digital rights management (DRM) encoding system used by Microsoft and Apple to prevent their customers from sharing widely the music files they buy from their sites.

What makes the FCC ruling so unusual is that it is one of the first instances in which the Commission specified how a product should be made and what technology it should contain. It has done such things based on Congressional mandate (closed captioning). But not of its own volition. The Public Knowledge brief suggests that the FCC can only take such action with a Congressional mandate. Essentially, the government is forcing manufacturers to make their equipment the government’s way. This not only stifles innovation it puts government squarely in a place it doesn’t belong: in the engineering lab and on the factory floor. Who needs or wants the feds telling us what to make and how to make it? Stalin and Mao tried that. Remember those blessed Five-Year Plans? Remember the utter national disasters that ensued? Is that even remotely what we want from our own government?

Another argument against the FCC’s ruling is that it has proposed (at the instigation of the entertainment industry) a fix for a problem that does not exist. The industry worries that at date uncertain people will be able to copy, download and share TV programs as easily as they can now download music. Currently, it is quite difficult, time-consuming and labor-intensive to do this. When HDTV takes hold, it will become even more so as the file sizes for TV shows will grow exponentially. So the question is: why do this sweetheart deal for the industry when the problem barely exists?

UPDATE: I’m pleased to report that in a hearing yesterday, a Federal Appeals court judge said the FCC overstepped its authority in mandating broadcast flags for all televisions sold in the U.S. However, this was not the formal ruling which should come in a few months time.

I congratulate EFF and Public Knowledge for taking these important issues on and hope they win.